OK, here is a pretty piss poor essay I done on China and Tiawan, it may shed some light on China. But I bet it leaves you wondering what the hell that was all about.
To what extent is Taiwanese union with China beneficial and sustainable?
This paper shall focus on the post-Cold war era now facing contemporary China, after opening its economy to the rest of the world. Assessing in particular China’s changing role as a Nation-State and international player in global politics and economics. The central theme of this paper assesses the tenuous relationship between Chinas sovereignty and Taiwanese independence, to what extent these regional issues could be beneficial to the stability of the Asian -Pacific or lead to conflict.
Political legacy of China circa 1949:
Mao Tse-tung and Communist Society!
For centuries China stood as leading civilisation, in arts science and alchemy, indeed has been proclaimed as one of the “cradles of the human race†having one of the oldest histories and cultures on earth roughly 4000th years old, but in the 19th and 20th Century the country was beset with problems, a legacy inherited from, British Colonialism during both World Wars, civil war, famine, military defeat and foreign occupation.
At the end of the World War 2 era, in 1949, after 22 years of fighting against national armed forces, Mao Tse-tung announced his seizure of power proclaiming political legitimacy of the People’s Republic of China (Domes, 1973, p: 1).
The Chinese Communist Party pursued grand revolutionary plans in domestic Chain, finding a wealth of support from a radical youth that rejecting the old idealism of tradition, nationalism and Confucianism, moving toward European ideologies with focus largely on Marxism and Communism.
In the formative years Mao-Tse-tung moved China toward a Communist Society, and within a few years achieving the transition of agriculture, industry, commerce and craftwork to collective or state ownership (Domes, 1973, P: 44). In terms of the Marxist-Leninist theory that Mao had pursued, this would be regarded as a remarkable success, however, later under Mao Tse-tung’s rulership China incurred more political, social and economic, that would leave a legacy on he development of China and of contemporary China.
One of the most significant retardations that Mao’ Communist China incurred was access to the international intellectual exchange (Domes, 1973, p: 241). It was during the rule of Mao Tse-tung that Taiwan broke off from mainland China, and Nationalists under Chiang Kai-Shek fled from Tse-tung’s forces to establish their own government on the island. Mao’s developmental aims followed along lines of a more classical power-politic, however, on Sept. 9th, 1976 Mao Tse-tung died, and power struggle ensured between parties that had been purged during Tse-tung’s Cultural Revolutions. Chief among them was Deng Xiaoping, who would become the new leader of the Chinese Communist State, and pursue a policy of greater modernisation focusing more on expertise and economic expansion than Grand Revolutionary aims of post-WW2 Communist Chain; in particular Xiaoping sought to change the nature of Chinese foreign policy and domestic policy, turning away from ideology back to national interests. Post-Mao China inherited a legacy that highlighted going beyond Chinese Revolution focusing rather on the long-term perspectives of China, which left many unanswered questions, especially concerning, the extensive mobilisation of productive forces, the opening of intellectual exchange with the outside world and the reduction of rulers’ demands on the people (Domes, 1973, p; 244). In short, change political tactic especially with the international community without provoking a position that would unbalance power relations between Asian-pacific and Western-Europe.
The Political and Economic Conditions of Modern Chain
Contemporary China faces the complexities of globalism, regionalism and nationalism. International relations have changed drastically since the time of Mao Tse-tung; international politics has witnessed the creation of global institutions and organisations such as the Untied Nations and the World Trade Organisation. More importantly, the divide between the market economics and socialist economics has been diminishing, even though in Asia there still remain political elements of socialism in China and Vietnam, and North Korea (Yamamoto, 1999, p: 2). China itself is now being viewed as one of leading world economic powers, a close rival to America in the future perhaps.
Economic Liberalisation
Chinas economy is run largely on agriculture and industry, however the government has had struggle maintaining employment levels, staving off internal economic and political corruption and controlling a large surplus population adrift between villages and cities (cia.gov/china), these issues have brought times of instability and economic regression. But, modern China is in the throes of political and economic transformation, though this does not necessarily imply westernisation, as is often inferred, in the broadest sense it will involve elements of liberalisation, economically and politically. What is important for the Chinese long term move is that economic change, e.g. international investment, must be followed by political reform moving away from the power-politics of Communist China toward a more progressive, stable developmental politic. Indeed, the successor to Mao-Tse-Tung, Deng Xiaoping, set the wheels in motion for a different political approach in the post-Cold War era. China moved away from a command economy into a competitive market orientated economy, which encourages growth and self-interest along with profit maximisation. In fact in 1989 the Asia-Pacific region created the Asian-Pacific Economic Cooperation committee (APEC) to encourage efforts to liberalise economic interactions in trade and investment (Yamamoto, 1999, p:2) – members of the committee where Japan, Malaysia, Thailand and Chinese Taipei (as it was called at the time). This economic trend has been continued by present day head of state Hu Jintao and cabinet. China vast industries in car manufacturing and at least one-third of the suitcases and handbags sold elsewhere in the world are Chinese made (Legrain, 2002, p: 16). Despite this economics alone cannot be the focus of Chinas executive, political and cultural change is needed, globalisation and global technology is one of the most important factors in this Cultural Evolution, indeed, the population are much more aware of the global world and the forces which are shaping it, and could shape their lives, indeed examples of population reaction and mobilisation are not difficult to come by, the political crisis in Kyrgyzstan a region in Asia, whereby the population demonstrated against unfair elections, baring comparison with the Orange Revolution in Ukraine, where similar circumstances saw the re-run of a highly suspicious election results. Furthermore, the decision of China to pass an anti-secessionist law against the break away province of Taiwan has been seen as effectively legitimising the use of force against the Taiwan region which since 1949 has sought independence from China. Indeed, in the Asian-pacific regionalism is one of the most important areas of growth this century, including, Japan, Taiwan, Malaysia and Thailand. These regional issues form the back drop for China in the 21st Century and require further analysis.
A Unified China or Independent Regionalism:
In 1895 military defeat caused China to cede Taiwan to Japan. Taiwan reverted to Chinese control after WW2 following the Communist victory on the mainland in 1949 2 million Nationalists fled to Taiwan to establish government. Taiwan has had a tumultuous history, a region that has broke away from China and Chinese Communism, an early advocate of Democracy and an alley with the U.S.A. in many sense Taiwan is, similar to Japan, an example of where China should perhaps be aiming to take itself politically.
Taiwan and Tenuous Autonomy
Taiwan independence is not legitimate in the eyes of Chinese executive. China claims territorial integrity of Taiwan, though it appears both regions have two separate systems and China was not the only nation to claim Taiwan as its own there has been a consistent dispute with Japan to. The reality is that after both world wars and the move of Chinese nationalists to flee Communism and set up government has left Taiwan in a, not so uncommon form of territorial and sovereign limbo, is Taiwan part of China, is Taiwan separate, can the work cooperatively? Such conditions of political limbo have historically caused conflict but today the use of force in such cases is restrained by mutual fear of disastrous wars, and indeed China did make some forceful moves by test weapons in the oceanic region between Chinas and Taiwan in 1996 dur9ing an election which elected the democratic alternative, a sign that China was flexing its political might and power politics furthermore in 2005 China passed the anti-secessionist law that legitimates using force, which caused diplomatic concern across the world, not least in Taiwan itself which took the bill as almost a bill of war, the U.S. Britain and Japan have raised concerns about Chinas Anti-secessionist bill and where it could lead the international community, is China clinging to an outmoded understanding of international relations? Or in what ways could China apply cooperative security, to bring greater about economic and political sustainability and benefits in the Asian-pacific region? As a large power in this area it may be viewed suspiciously that Chinas responsibility is a euphemism for dominance in the region (Yamamoto, 1999, P: 152)
In Taiwan the ruling authorities democratised and incorporated the population within the governing structures and in 2000 Taiwan underwent its first peaceful transfer of power from Nationalists to the Democratic Progressive Party. Taiwan now functions as a prosperous democratic capitalistic nation state, it also significant support from the U.S. government in terms of investment, export and security. Perhaps the most interesting question is what benefits China could bring Taiwan or vice versa. Indeed, the unification of China could be a good idea economically, both regions having booming markets, amalgamated they could be a formidable economic force, but the political difference may serve as a divide rather than a bridge. China has legacy of disputes between Malaysia, Philippines and Vietnam. Perhaps the outcome of the Taiwanese situation while set the path for the future of sustainable international relations. China has had to resolve many complex geographical issues with many Nations, not least Russia, in 2004 over the areas of Amur and Argun perhaps this is an example of softening political attitude. But in the recent week of March 2005 the Anti-Secessionist bill has brought problems regarding weapons exports from Britain to China, strained relations further with Taiwan except the KMT nationalist party which has made plans to visit China as a diplomatic move. But recent problems have arisen from the .U.S. regarding Chinese alleged military expansion. Both the U.S. and Taiwan wish China to not resort to force but to repair problems. Repairing ties not only demands a more diplomatic response from China but should also require greater concern for international law and institution. What affect will these international obligations have on Nationalist sentiments? Can China see any benefits of allowing Taiwan to be a more independent region without losing connection completely?
Asian-Pacific future
In terms of global politics China is doing relatively well, Taiwanese Nationalist leaders have actually started diplomatic process, it would be disastrous for China to pursue a forceful policy toward Taiwan, the international community would be highly cynical of such a move, at least, Chinas moves however dubious have brought the subject into the bright light of global political theatre in respect to media and supranational diplomacy. China has a Global Profile, so does Taiwan, which seek to become a member of the U.N. perhaps China is simply determined not to concede its claim over Taiwan. Underpinning the tenuous political relationship between Taiwan and China and more broadly how China should approach the administrative and bureaucratic reality of international institution and regulation of which China will have to follow if it wishes to pursue seriously a firm place as a peaceful power. China is fast becoming a new major world power following close behind America, it should not jeopardise ties with Regions or sour relationships between overseas states. How can China liberalise? Can current political leaders continue the delicate policy of balancing socialising with a market economy, coupled with regional issues of independence without conflict arising? The complexities of economic and political union with Taiwan – would this be beneficial and sustainable union, could tensions lead to unbridgeable divide?
Conclusion: China and Taiwan.
In conclusion, Taiwan is faced with difficult time. In the next few weeks political dialogue shall either have ran its course or spread its wings to bridging gaps between the nation and the region. Can Taiwan stave off Chinese dominance – out of this all can a peaceful reconciliation be reached which may bring long-term sustainability and economic benefits to the region. The political future may well be docked in the Asian Pacific regions – in this issue hope lies in avoiding polarisation and rising tension.
Bibliography
Domes Jurgen (1973) the Internal Politics of China, C. Hurst & Company London
Pinkney Robert (2003) Democracy in the Third World, Lynne Rienner publishers
Yamamoto Yoshinobu (1999) Globalism, Regionalism & Nationalism, Blackwell
Legrain Philippe (2002) Open World: / the Truth about Globalisation, Abacus