The World from a Meta-Perspective

From the perspective of an outside observer, the trajectory of global power dynamics after the two world wars has been marked by significant shifts in geopolitical influence and economic control.

With the British Empire severely weakened by the wars, the United States emerged as the dominant global power, using its position to establish a global economy heavily reliant on the US dollar and its institutions. This system, often seen as exploitative by developing countries, trapped many countries in a cycle of debt and dependence on American financial mechanisms such as the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Dependence on the dollar also created a framework in which America’s economic interests could dictate much of the world’s trade and financial policy. Countries that attempted to chart an independent course or challenge US hegemony often faced covert or overt intervention by the CIA and other US intelligence agencies, citing “national security”.

In recent years, Russia and China have led the challenge to this American-dominated order. After recovering from the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia has positioned itself as a key player in efforts to resist Western influence, especially in regions such as Eastern Europe, Central Asia and the Middle East. China, with its rapid economic growth and growing influence, has also positioned itself as a global leader, creating new alliances and trade networks that seek to bypass traditional Western-controlled systems.

The formation of blocs such as the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, South Africa) and the growing number of countries (now over 159) interested in moving away from a reliance on the dollar indicate a significant shift in the global balance of power. This movement represents an attempt to decentralise global economic control, allowing countries to operate more independently of American financial influence.

From an outside perspective, it appears that the era of unipolar American dominance is being challenged by a more multipolar world, with alternative alliances emerging to challenge US hegemony.

This tension between the old order and the emerging new one signals a period of significant geopolitical recalibration, as nations and regions seek to redefine their roles in a rapidly evolving global landscape. The shift from a unipolar to a multipolar world, in which power is more evenly distributed among several major players, can increase the risk of conflict, including war. This is because periods of transition in the global balance of power are often associated with heightened tensions, uncertainty and competition. Several factors contribute to this increased risk:

When a dominant power such as the United States begins to lose influence, the global rules and norms it has helped to establish may be challenged. As Russia, China and others seek to reshape the international order, the absence of clear, universally accepted rules can lead to confrontation. Competing visions of the world - one based on American-led institutions and another on emerging powers - create points of friction.

With Russia and China challenging US dominance, regions such as Eastern Europe, Southeast Asia, the Middle East and Africa are becoming zones of heightened competition. Proxy conflicts, as seen in places like Syria or Ukraine, and essentially, in Israel, often arise when major powers back opposing sides in regional disputes. These conflicts have the potential to escalate into wider wars if the rival powers are drawn directly into the fighting.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict, particularly Israel’s wars with groups such as Hamas and Hezbollah, has long been influenced by the interests and interventions of external powers, making it in many ways a proxy war. The conflict is not just a local or regional issue, but a focal point for wider geopolitical struggles between major global players - namely the US, Iran and their respective allies. These proxy elements add to the complexity and volatility of the conflict, as global and regional powers clash indirectly through their support for local actors.

The move away from the US dollar, led by Russia and China, is not just an economic manoeuvre but a geopolitical one. The US is likely to see this as a threat to its global dominance and may respond with increased economic sanctions, trade wars or other forms of economic warfare. Such moves can lead to deeper confrontations as countries such as China may retaliate, increasing the risk of military clashes.

In a multipolar world, countries are more likely to invest in military capabilities to secure their interests. Russia and China in particular are modernising their armed forces, while the US maintains its military dominance. This arms race can increase the likelihood of miscalculation or provocation leading to open conflict, especially in contested regions such as the South China Sea, Eastern Europe or the Taiwan Strait.

In a divided world, with multiple powers vying for influence, international cooperation can become more difficult. This applies not only to military issues, but also to crises such as climate change, pandemics and economic instability. The collapse of multilateral forums or agreements, such as arms control treaties, increases the risk of war by reducing the mechanisms for de-escalation.

The rise of nationalism and authoritarianism, particularly in countries such as Russia and China, but also in some Western democracies, can further increase the risk of conflict. Leaders focused on consolidating power at home may use foreign confrontations to whip up nationalist sentiment, leading to aggressive posturing on the international stage. This often makes it more difficult to resolve disputes peacefully.

Even if direct military confrontation is avoided, new forms of conflict such as cyber warfare and hybrid warfare (combining military, political, economic and information tactics) are likely to increase. These can destabilise countries and regions without crossing the threshold into conventional war, but they increase the risk of escalation into armed conflict.

While war is not inevitable, the combination of these factors makes the current global environment more precarious. It will depend on the ability of states to manage competition, maintain open communication and seek peaceful solutions to disputes arising from the ongoing power shifts. However, as history has shown, periods of great power transition are often associated with an increased risk of conflict.

Israel seems to be doing everything it can to be the fuse of an explosive reaction in the world.

And who would that be?

She went after strategic targets. Out of duty to her people. She is demonstrating a very marked restraint I would not test.

A typically weak reply. Probably because the perspective of an outside observer is something you have never tried to take. It requires observing the facts as they are without taking sides.

As a European, I am obviously stuck in the middle, but I have imagination and sources enough to stand back and examine our present situation. The short reaction is wtf, but I wanted to explain what has happened.

Essentially, after the fall of the Soviet Union, America had almost a free hand, and ballsed it up. It was unhinged and uncontrolled, and it took a while, but the world has started to recover and is now looking for a new world order. I’m not saying it will be better, but it is a reaction to the mess the West has been making.

America’s misuse of NATO in its misadventures in Iraq, Afghanistan, and other countries has compromised Europe as well. In Germany, they say, “Mitgefangen, mitgehangen!” which means if you’re caught with the culprit, you are hung with the culprit, which may be from another era, but describes our situation aptly.

I take it you said that from behind the veil of ignorance :wink:

Yes , but it’s still not the seventh veil.

I think I heard your mami Shirley just say RAWR.

Maybe but even that creature can be beat by the bird dog, and that mixed up creature has been widely mistook for the guard dog.

Any rate the thing triangulates between EU, and Asai, and the US invariants as between the choice of Eric -Fromm and Erickson hade come of late of the slight variance of Freud,

Peter I reflected that tension come to roost, as having premordial logic that strives to overcome it’s own shadow, despite proved wrong by Mai’s accession of doubling down on Malthus’s reassertion of the decline of the west, by negative ding that , by infiltrating all chinatowns with as many moles as possible to offset that equation.

Talking bout equations triungalities,? and other such :slight_smile:

)()(

◆ WSJ NEWS EXCLUSIVE

Europe Urges Trump to Support Ukraine but Braces for Possible Cut in U.S. Aid

EU leaders discuss whether the continent could plug any funding gap

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BUDAPEST—European leaders have quietly launched talks on how to help Ukraine fend off Russia’s invasion without Washington’s support, even as they try to persuade President-elect Donald Trump not to cut aid to Kyiv.

At a dinner late Thursday in the Hungarian capital, European Union leaders discussed the fallout from Trump’s thumping win on Tuesday and, for the first time, talked through whether European governments could plug the gap if Trump cuts aid to Ukraine, according to people who attended the meeting.

The discussion comes at a moment of extraordinary insecurity, economic fragility and political crisis in Europe. With Russian forces making gains on the battlefield in Ukraine, Trump’s victory confronts European capitals with the prospect of sharply reduced U.S. military protection.

“There can be differences of approach around this table, but I have a profound conviction that our interest is the same,” French President Emmanuel Macron told his counterparts from the EU and its neighbors in Budapest on Thursday. “Our interest is that Russia doesn’t win this war…Because if it wins, that means that there will be an imperialist power lined up on our borders to which we have said, ‘It’s fine, you can be expansionist.’”

Trump has said he wants to swiftly bring an end to the Ukraine conflict, though he hasn’t spelled out how. He has opposed U.S. military aid packages for Kyiv and talked positively about his relationship with Russian President Vladimir Putin.

He hasn’t said whether Washington would curtail aid to Ukraine or ask allies to foot more of the bill. Ukraine is overwhelmingly dependent on foreign military assistance and budgetary support from its Western allies.

At a two-hour dinner in Hungary’s opulent parliament overlooking the Danube River, leaders from the Baltic states and some Scandinavian countries said Europe should be prepared to up their support for Ukraine if needed. There are widespread concerns that if Putin is victorious in the war, he may at some point test the North Atlantic Treaty Organization’s eastern borders.

Other leaders, including Macron and Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni, reacted warily. Meloni reiterated her support for Ukraine but said she would have to justify asking struggling voters to dig deeper for Kyiv were the U.S. to cut support.

A few other countries, including Hungary and Slovakia, have questioned Western support for Ukraine for months and are opposed to further aid and weapons provisions. Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban, one of Trump’s closest European allies, has backed the president-elect’s call to negotiate a cease-fire as soon as possible.

A senior EU official said after Thursday’s dinner that the EU’s executive body, the European Commission, could be asked to present funding options when leaders meet in Brussels next month.

“I think that we have to give a clear message here today to the United States and the new administration that we support Ukraine as long and as much is needed,” Finnish Prime Minister Petteri Orpo said on Thursday.

The U.S. has been the single biggest national provider of aid to Ukraine. According to the Council on Foreign Relations, the U.S. had allocated $106 billion to the Ukrainian government since Russia’s February 2022 invasion, including $70 billion in military aid as of September. The EU says the 27-nation bloc has provided $133 billion in financial, humanitarian, refugee and military assistance for Ukraine. Other European countries including Britain and Norway have also given billions in aid.

The EU recently agreed to contribute up to $37.7 billion for a new $50 billion Group of Seven loan to Ukraine, which is backed by profit on Russian assets frozen under Western sanctions.

While the U.S. has managed to source large volumes of military equipment to send Ukraine, Europe faces much greater constraints in offering military assistance. Its weapons stocks are dwindling and its defense industry is less robust.

Since Trump’s election win on Tuesday, he has spoken to many of the EU’s leaders. In a 25-minute call on Wednesday, Macron pressed Trump to ensure that any diplomacy with Russia over Ukraine results in real concessions by the Kremlin, according to people briefed on the call.

Charles Michel, who chairs EU leaders summits, said he and other leaders were passing another message to the president-elect, which they think Trump will be receptive to: “If we would be weak with Russia, what signal do we send to the rest of the world, including China?” he told reporters after the dinner.

European officials believe that while Trump has pledged to end wars that started under the Biden administration, he wants to be seen as strong abroad and that a Russian victory in Ukraine could be a political blow.

Trump has been noncommittal on Ukraine in the calls, mainly listening and asking questions, the briefed officials said.

Belgian Prime Minister Alexander De Croo told reporters that European leaders would need to work on a common understanding with Trump by discussing what the new administration would want to achieve there and what the administration is dissatisfied with in the current approach.

Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky told his European counterparts in Budapest that while he didn’t yet know what Trump intended to do on Ukraine, it is Kyiv that must “decide what should and should not be on the agenda for ending this war.”

Later, he told reporters that if Washington cuts off funds, European leaders could give to Ukraine the $300 billion in frozen Russian central bank assets, which are mainly sitting in European financial institutions. Many European governments, including Germany and France, are wary of seizing the assets for fear it would harm confidence in the euro.

While support for Ukraine remains reasonably solid in Europe, recent elections have shown support for parties that oppose giving more money and weapons to Ukraine.

Many Western European countries are cash-strapped and facing difficult austerity choices over their budgets, including France and the U.K. The German government is facing early elections after Chancellor Olaf Scholz’s coalition government fell apart hours after Trump’s win.

European leaders were swift to congratulate Trump on his win on Wednesday and say they are eager to set out an agenda of shared interests to cooperate on with the incoming administration. However, there is considerable nervousness behind the scenes.

There is “gloom and despair in Brussels and Kyiv, jubilation and exultations in Budapest and a determination to press on in Moscow,” said former Swedish Prime Minister Carl Bildt.

Write to Laurence Norman at laurence.norman@wsj.com

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So there is more to this goulash capitalism then meets the eye, and certainly the EU, a mirror of US, are geopolitically going in an inverse process, the policy for ideological shit/difference remotely predicted by reliance on more than human expectations deem possible, in fact AI involvement in development of continual assessments need to further the progressive agenda. The time is mere and now, but it is the general consensus which is required to confirm and adapt any future requirements.

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