Jesus Christ, Meno.
Whhhhaaaat Pedddoo?
Jus’ wanna think 'for it tanks!
Never let that happen and we won’t play good and bad cops, no more since chillin that high, so me thinks
~think~ there is a hell of a lot of injustice in the world, honestly do not believe anyone gives a …but its a comfort to let it out. I ain’t mad,
at no one, xcept, well those who wear their heart too open, and that even don’t bother.
After all we all humans .
God point Meno. From the money put into the anti Trump campaign so far which runs in the trillions counting the state resources, the world could have been fed for 50 years. But I predict that its never gonna happen, as without hunger there is no constituency for the trillionaire class.
You fight on their behalf very diligently Meno. You have guilt issues and you shouldn’t. Be a free man!
(Hypothetically, just cause dreaming is alright)
Wealth dingos
jealous of gringos
buying up jingles
missing the point like Rip van Winkle
now go and mingle
into real people
burn your newspapers
go on your own caper
find out your fathers Vader later.
Freedom’s just another word, regardless, & until some hurdles overcome assumptions on the contrary. Until then , its just a matter of judging rules oops’ -roles, by the clothes they wear, as if this all started yesterday. Who’s on first, who is on third.
Frankly, anyone can claim misrepresentation, on his face. And the best of the best politicos Nowedays are not jurists but actors.
Tentative verdict: 1 for Trump.
Derzhowitz:
☰
RUSSIA INVESTIGATIONPublished 2 hours ago
The Supreme Court could intervene in attempt to remove Trump from office,
Robert Mueller ‘put his elbow on the scale,’ says Alan DershowitzVideo
Robert Mueller ‘put his elbow on the scale,’ says Alan Dershowitz
President Trump may succeed if he follows through on his attempt to take an impeachment attempt to the Supreme Court, Harvard law professor Alan Dershowitz said on Friday.
“Our non-lawyer president may be closer to the truth than his lawyer critics,” Dershowitz wrote in an op-ed published in The Hill.
Dershowitz, a Fox News contributor, was referring to responses to the president’s tweet that he would take the issue to the nation’s highest court.
Donald J. Trump
@realDonaldTrump
The Mueller Report, despite being written by Angry Democrats and Trump Haters, and with unlimited money behind it ($35,000,000), didn’t lay a glove on me. I DID NOTHING WRONG. If the partisan Dems ever tried to Impeach, I would first head to the U.S. Supreme Court. Not only…
“I DID NOTHING WRONG. If the partisan Dems ever tried to impeach, I would first head to the U.S. Supreme Court,” Trump said in April.
ANDREW MCCARTHY: MUELLER PROBE WAS ALWAYS ABOUT IMPEACHMENT
Dershowitz, in his Friday op-ed, pointed to previous Supreme Court justices who indicated that the Supreme Court should intervene under certain circumstances.
“Finally, as applied to the special case of the President, the majority argument merely points out that, were the Senate to convict the President without any kind of trial, a Constitutional crisis might well result," former Supreme Court Justice Byron White said.
“It hardly follows that the Court ought to refrain from upholding the Constitution in all impeachment cases. Nor does it follow that, in cases of presidential impeachment, the Justices ought to abandon their constitutional responsibility because the Senate has precipitated a crisis.”
Dershowitz also knocked people for criticizing Trump’s willingness to go to raise the prospect of a Supreme Court challenge.
CHAD PERGRAM: DEMOCRATS ‘NOWHERE NEAR’ THE AMOUNT OF VOTES THEY NEED FOR IMPEACHMENT
“No one should criticize President Trump for raising the possibility of Supreme Court review, especially following Bush v. Gore, the case that ended the 2000 election,” he said. “Many of the same academics ridiculed the notion that the justices would enter the political thicket of vote-counting.”
Dershowitz’s op-ed came as media outlets amplified questions surrounding potential impeachment. While some in Congress supported that move, many didn’t.
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif. – who presides over the chamber responsible for impeachment – has repeatedly pushed back on impeachment and, on Thursday, argued it could ultimately prevent an effective prosecution against the president.
Many have speculated that impeachment could spell trouble for Democrats in 2020, but some progressives, like Sen. Elizabeth Warren, D-Mass., have argued that certain issues transcended politics.
Meanwhile, congressional Democrats continued pressing the administration for more information surrounding the Russia investigation – coming up against the Trump administration’s refusal to comply with congressional subpoenas.
Fox around the World
Sam Dorman is a reporter with Fox News. ©2019 FOX News Network, LLC. All rights reserved. All market data delayed 20 minutes.
Remember: Fox News now is playing defense right now.
Nancy Pelosi says Trump has made an ‘assault’ on U.S. democracy
SEAN ROSSMAN | USA TODAY | 4 minutes ago
   
WASHINGTON – House Speaker Nancy Pelosi on Thursday accused President Donald Trump of perpetrating an “assault” on the nation’s democracy after he told ABC News that he’d welcome foreign information on his 2020 opponent.
“It’s a very sad thing,” Pelosi told reporters about the president’s words. “That’s an assault on our democracy.”
“What the president said last night shows clearly once again…that he does not know the difference between right and wrong,” Pelosi told reporters. “And that’s probably the nicest thing I can say about him.”
The House speaker said the law prohibits a campaign from accepting an in-kind contribution from a foreign government, which she said includes information. However, Pelosi demurred on a question about whether his remarks pushed her closer to launching an impeachment inquiry.
Earlier, Pelosi said said that Trump was giving Russians a “green light” to meddle in the 2020 election.
“The Russians attacked our elections, and @realDonaldTrump is giving them the green light to do it again,” Pelosi said in a tweet.
The president told ABC’s George Stephanopoulos he’d accept dirt on his 2020 opponent from a foreign government and may or may not turn it over to the FBI. Trump argued that such information amounts to “opposition research” widely used by campaigns.
“They have information. I think I’d take it,” Trump said. “If I thought there was something wrong, I’d go maybe to the FBI – if I thought there was something wrong.”
Trump also said such political help would not be considered interference.
It wasn’t only Democrats who raised concerns about Trump’s position. Sen. Lindsey Graham, a South Carolina Republican and close White House ally, also pushed back.
”I think it’s a mistake," Graham told reporters on Capitol Hill who quizzed him on the president’s remarks. "I think it’s a mistake of law.”
Trump’s ABC comments: If foreign governments have dirt on 2020 rivals, ‘I think I’d take it,’ Trump says
‘Achomlishments’:Here are all the times Trump’s notes and letters have been photographed
The Russians attacked our elections, and @realDonaldTrump is giving them the green light to do it again. We can’t stand by and just hope for the best. The Senate must join the House in passing #HR1 to #ProtectOurDemocracy! https://t.co/l7UTcFVlDd
— Nancy Pelosi (@SpeakerPelosi) June 13, 2019
I meet and talk to “foreign governments” every day. I just met with the Queen of England (U.K.), the Prince of Wales, the P.M. of the United Kingdom, the P.M. of Ireland, the President of France and the President of Poland. We talked about “Everything!” Should I immediately…
— Donald J. Trump (@realDonaldTrump) June 13, 2019
The trouble with would be but failed transcendentalists, is not that money ferments absolute power’s; invisible inevidible political ramifications.
That the tech world reduced man into a manipulated underclass, who is prevy to the drip down of Madison ave intellectual design, most of all - concerned of the manageability of a world wide market expansion& without which Capitalism would fail .
This, in spite of harangues to the contrary. The contradiction consists in presupposing an ear toward nationalism and self interest of viable political grassroots, while all it is is a veiled attempt to salvage the sudden loss of an international political dialectic.
That without this, termed in the only understandable language available , that of the language of an imminent damgerous state of ignitable traces of left over cold war McCarthy type paranoias, — predestined as was Marx had pointed to the social middle between self inscribed nationalism and the coming of international palatibility.
That it was a grand act of illusive switch and bait: of that remains little doubt.
After all, the ‘Allies’ had a vastly superior position and power, whereas the others were mere puppets playing the game of power per required manifest, sans the Germans.
It is this transcendental idea that the dispossessed are played into, ingeniously, and necessarily, and it is not Trump, who is merely a clever snake oil salesman, but the clever geneticist Darwin, who was instrumental in setting the stage for this grand deconstruction, in terms of thendleeting present.
It is an event which alas soaked blood since the American then the French revolution, where colonialism was cleverly intuited, as living out it’s hysterical roaring 20’s last dance- unless…
The over passing of the black letter by the slime of procedure unnoticably created this state: and no one seems to really understand it’s contradictory necessity.
Except those who have a lot to loose!
What?
Letter from Trump’s Washington
Forget “No Collusion.” Trump Is Now Pro-Collusion
Donald Trump.
Donald Trump seeks and benefits from division and discord.
There is no such thing as an outrage-free week anymore. On Wednesday, President Trump offered us a particularly stunning example of this new political reality, telling the ABC anchor George Stephanopoulos that he would welcome foreign interference in an election and probably wouldn’t bother to tell the F.B.I. about any outside governments bringing him dirt on his opponent. On Thursday, he doubled down on this position, arguing, in effect, that accepting help from Vladimir Putin would be no different from dining with the Queen of England and the “Prince of Whales,” as he put it in a tweet. Trump, instead of proclaiming “no collusion,” now seemed to be announcing that he is pro-collusion. It didn’t take long for commentators to wonder about his strategy here as much as about his poor spelling: Does the President actually want Congress to impeach him?
One of Trump’s great skills has been to confound his opponents. In the third year of his Presidency, this is as true as it was on his first day in office, and his critics, at home and abroad, have, in the intervening time, become more skilled at reading Trump but hardly less capable or united in agreeing what to do about him. They have received the message that he is a threat to the established order—just about any established order—but resistance has often been more loud than effective, and the divisions over how to take him on seem to widen by the day. He is historically unpopular for a President by many measures, but no matter what he does the allegiance of some forty per cent of the American public has so far remained unwavering.
In Washington, Democrats currently have two opposite and contradictory theories of the case. They cannot both be right. For the House Speaker, Nancy Pelosi, the idea is to beat Trump politically in the 2020 election and, while using Congress’s powers to aggressively investigate him and his Administration, refuse to be drawn into a politicized impeachment proceeding that will not result in his removal from office. “A reluctance to drop the hammer is a healthy thing in a democracy,” Representative Gerry Connolly, a Virginia Democrat who agrees with the Speaker’s approach, told reporters on Thursday, when confronted with the President’s latest insult to his own law-enforcement agencies. Many of the nearly two dozen Democrats running for President are also believers in a version of this theory. Though some have endorsed impeachment and all are vociferously anti-Trump, they are focussing their campaigns less on the damage that the President poses to the constitutional order than on wonky, issues-oriented appeals to voters.
Then there is the Biden school. The former Vice-President regularly called Trump an “existential threat” to the country this week, in an Iowa campaign swing. In this, he is more or less in synch with those lawmakers back in Washington who believe that the evidence of Presidential obstruction assembled by the special counsel Robert Mueller warrants immediate impeachment proceedings, regardless of whether they turn out to be politically advantageous for the Democrats. So far, there are about sixty members of the House (including a majority of the Democratic members of the House Judiciary Committee and a lone Republican, Justin Amash, of Michigan) who are on the record as supporting this course, which leaves a couple hundred more to convince. On the campaign trail, Biden leads early polls with his “Make America America Again” approach, but, if his opponents are right that voters want more than just an anti-Trump crusade, then his theory of the case will be not just wrong but disastrously so.
A fight between Pelosi and her fellow-Democrats is exactly what Trump wants. He seeks division and discord; he benefits from it. It is surely one reason, among many, why the damaging revelations reported by Mueller have had almost no effect on his public standing. If anything, this week’s tiresome outrage cycle is a reminder of Trump’s uniquely successful brand of public crazy. Does anyone remember that he also announced this week that he will soon meet alone with Putin again, despite the uproar over their still mysterious one-on-one summit this past year, in Helsinki? Or that Trump said that he wouldn’t allow the C.I.A. to spy on his “friend,” the North Korean dictator, Kim Jong Un, after revelations that Kim’s murdered half-brother had been an American informant? Or that Trump spent the first part of the week claiming that he had cut a secret deal with Mexico on illegal immigration, a deal which Mexico denies exists and whose particulars he has yet to produce?
Trump is a political octopus, squirting so much diversionary black ink at us that diversion is the new normal. The new issue of Foreign Affairs out this week declares this historical moment “the self-destruction of American power” and offers a depressing autopsy on the vanishing of U.S. global leadership. But there are too many outrages of the day, of every day, to think about it. Some members of Congress are now publicly confessing that they haven’t had time even to read the Mueller report (and more are saying so in private, as I myself have heard). I doubt that they are stopping to consider the collapse of the liberal international order.
I happened to watch this week’s edition of the Trump show from the shadow of the Brandenburg Gate, in Berlin, which, later this year, will celebrate the thirtieth anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall and the American-midwifed reunification of Germany that followed. I attended a meeting of fervent transatlanticists that was dominated, as conversations invariably are these days, by the question of what to do about Trump. The Germans are no less confounded than the Democrats.
Back in the spring of 2017, when I attended another conference in Berlin sponsored by the same group, Atlantik-Brücke (the “Atlantic Bridge”), a Cold War-era effort at reconciliation between Germany and the United States, the President’s rhetoric was just as incendiary then as it is today, but the Europeans in attendance weren’t yet convinced that he was a serious threat. Trump had just fired the F.B.I. director, James Comey, triggering the hiring of Mueller, and many of the Germans wondered whether impeachment was imminent. Words like “chaos,” “fool,” and “clownish” had been thrown around. “People here think Trump is a laughingstock,” a senior German official told me.
Two years later, they are taking the clown show far more seriously—so much so, in fact, that the soul-searching now is less about how to take Trump’s measure and more about the long-term consequences of an American turn away from Europe, and whether Europeans are prepared to do anything about it.
Trump, of course, has made Europe in general and Germany in particular a target of his animus and has dismissed the value of nato and the European Union. To the transactional President, the long postwar alliance that won the Cold War and (largely) kept the post-Cold War peace is just another bad deal for America, in which Americans protect the West from Russia while the Germans get rich. Presidents before Trump have long complained about European “free riders” (the term was used by no less a Continental favorite than President Obama) and demanded that defense budgets be raised to meet the threshold of two per cent of G.D.P. that nato members had agreed to spend by 2024.
But Trump has elevated those complaints to the level of a new catechism, and no one really thinks this is about a few billion euros. This is about bigger and far more worrisome trends.
In Germany today, Trump’s approval rating is somewhere around ten per cent, and surveys have shown that Putin is more trusted as an international actor than the American President. Trump’s bad name is giving Germans pause about the entire relationship, and that is making it much harder to push through the defense-spending increase that Germany’s leadership says that it supports. This striking fact was only reinforced when Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer, the handpicked successor to the outgoing German Chancellor, Angela Merkel, spoke to the group on Wednesday.
A.K.K., as she is known, offered a moving story about her own father, a student when he was pressed into German military service in the Second World War, during which he was later taken prisoner by the Americans. This, he told his daughter after the war, had been a “great fortune,” because the Americans not only healed his wounds but taught him about “forgiveness and friendship.” Yet nostalgia for what was can only work so far in the present crisis, and when A.K.K. came to the case for the U.S. alliance in today’s world she sounded defensive and unsure. Twice she reminded the audience that, no matter how much it disliked Trump, at least he was no Putin. Trump may call journalists “enemies of the people,” she pointed out, but there are no “show trials” for them in America, as there are in Putin’s Russia. “We have to see that difference,” she pleaded. “It can’t be levelled.” All of which made for hard listening a few feet away from where the Berlin Wall so long stood. Daily outrages can obscure some truths about the moment, but they cannot undo them, and one of the truths about the Trump era is that it marks a dividing line in America’s role in the world, one that was certainly foreseeable before Trump but is now accelerated by him.
Unlike any of his predecessors, Trump believes that America’s historic “friends, partners, and allies” are the problem, not the answer, as Sigmar Gabriel, the former German Foreign Minister, put it to me in our interview at the conference. To Trump, Gabriel said, “Europe now seems to be a conspiracy against American interests.” Depending on the day, Trump’s version can sound a lot like he considers the U.S. military little more than a mercenary force whose European employers have refused to pay the bills.
As if to prove the point, Trump was meeting in Washington that same day with the Polish President, Andrzej Duda, a like-minded nationalist hard-liner who has become a controversial figure in Europe for his attacks on the independent judiciary and media. Unlike leaders in larger European nations like Germany that have pushed back on Trump, Duda has aggressively wooed the American President as a counterbalance to Russia next door, even promising to build a “Fort Trump” if he would agree to permanently base U.S. troops there. Trump told reporters that he signed an agreement to send a thousand troops from Germany to Poland in what he characterized as an explicitly punitive measure: “Germany is not living up to what they are supposed to be doing with respect to nato, and Poland is,” he said to Duda. “I have to congratulate you. Thank you very much.”
As snarky Trump comments go, it understandably rated little mention amid the other news. But the vision of an America whose foreign policy is driven by personal pique, whose troops can be rented out by the highest, most obsequious bidder, is a searing one. In a week of outrages, this was far from the worst, but in some ways it ranks among the most consequential. The President’s supporters often tell those who are alarmed about his words to skip the tweets and focus on the substance of his Administration’s policies. But they are wrong. Trump is telling us exactly what he is going to do—and then he is doing it.
Satire from The Borowitz Report
Kellyanne Conway to Leave White House Immediately and Begin New Job at Kremlin
Andy BorowitzJune 14, 2019
Naomi FryJune 14, 2019
© Condé Nast 2019
Become a New Yorker subscriber, and get a free tote.
Very brief analysis:
It is true that the US is looking world leadership, and Trump Is Right on! Unfortunately.
And it is economic, in the new information age, everyone wants the piece if the pie, and it is unreasonable to assume the U.S. can keep up with nations, such as the Oriental counntries , which have very low standards of wages, producing at less then half the cost: to compete with.
The Chinese have been international ists from way back, they emigrate vast numbers of populations for a very long time. The politocal clothes they are wearing of pseudo communism, do not exclude international competitive methods of short cuts, for getting and forgetting traditional and legal means of acquiring them, hard to get objects of trade, including the procurement of expensively developed military items.
The fact that international trade is a pre-requisite to the sustenance of Capital, and the way it’s handled ‘Capitalism’; all the machinations about world affairs sans the dialectic is mere sideshow.
The fact may be very well justified that communism was a.constructed buffer between Nationalism and Internationalism in the first place.
Trumpism is merely an echo of a pent up international investiture, and forget any big changes any time soon.
The only viability comes from dilution and inflation, giving the billionaires club so much more extension into mainland social networking among those who have had tremendous luck through huge lotteries and instant virtual landings .
I think it would be an act of genius to inact a profitable public works on a grand scale, at this mow point of divided public morale.
A giant push for manufacture and distribution of US made electric cars, while taxing has -for 'charitable purposes to finance it, and liquor and narcotics, could make such a move feasable, while politically advantageous.
The presupposed resistance may be disarmed by FDR tactics of arts’ endowments.
Just Sayin’.
On the contrary!
Donald Trump being interviewed by ABC News Chief Anchor George Stephanopoulos (ABC News)
Trump isn’t a president, he’s a gangster
Russia, if you’re listening, La Cosa Nostra has moved into La Casa Bianca
13
LUCIAN K. TRUSCOTT IV
JUNE 15, 2019 12:00PM (UTC)
The FBI had to wiretap mafia bosses like John Gotti and Vincent “The Chin” Gigante to catch them breaking the law. All they had to do to catch Donald Trump on Wednesday night was turn on ABC News. Trump proceeded to commit multiple felonies out in the open on national television when he told George Stephanopoulos he would be happy to accept dirt on his opponent from foreign governments in his 2020 re-election campaign.
“Somebody comes up and says, ‘hey, I have information on your opponent,’ do you call the FBI?” Trump asked rhetorically. “It’s not an interference, they have information — I think I’d take it,” Trump said. “I’ll tell you what, I’ve seen a lot of things over my life. I don’t think in my whole life I’ve ever called the FBI. In my whole life. You don’t call the FBI. You throw somebody out of your office, you do whatever you do.” He paused for a moment. “Oh, give me a break — life doesn’t work that way.”
He looked like he’d been gobbling Adderall. His pupils were pinned, and he kept doing that thing with his hands, holding them in front of himself and moving them apart and then together impatiently, talking to Stephanopoulos like he was a school child just learning about politics rather than the seasoned operative he is (Stephanopoulos was one of the architects of the Bill Clinton campaign when he won the presidency in 1992 and has covered political campaigns as a reporter and news anchor in the decades since then).
But perhaps Trump was right. Maybe Stephanopoulos needs a good talking to from the Capo du tutti capo on Pennsylvania Avenue. Doesn’t George get it that politics in the age of Trump is a criminal enterprise, that politicians are no different from gangsters? They don’t go to the FBI and turn each other in. They don’t report crimes. They commit them, and they keep their mouths shut. My buddy’s having sex with underage girls? Call the FBI? Are you kidding?
Trump acted like a bank robber who walked up to a cop standing in front of the bank and said, “hey, man, I’m going in there in a minute, and I’m going to rob that bank, and what are you going to do about it?” We got our answer from Republicans the next day. Nothing. Zip. He’s going to rob that bank? We’re cool with that. By the way, we’ll be happy to pick up any bills he drops on the way out.
Stephanopoulos looked like Lester Holt the day Trump told him on TV that he fired Comey because of “the Russia thing.” He knew he was onto a big story, so he pressed him. “You want that kind of interference in our elections? he asked, fishing. Trump allowed that he might call the FBI “if I thought there was something wrong,” but he doesn’t think there’s anything wrong with accepting campaign help from the Russians or anybody else. He has admitted he didn’t think there was anything wrong with seeking Russian help when he begged them during the 2016 campaign, “Russia, if you’re listening,” and urged them to find Hillary Clinton’s missing emails. That’s what he does. That’s who he is.
The only thing that’s new is that Trump has dropped any pretense he’s going to follow the law. He doesn’t care what the law is. When Stephanopoulos reminded him that Christopher Wray, the Director of the FBI, had testified to Congress that any campaign receiving a solicitation from a foreign government should report that fact to the FBI, Trump told him, “The FBI director is wrong.”
Trump just warned the chief law enforcement officer of the land that if he does his job, he’ll be fired. This should come as no big news to Wray, however. He watched it happen to former FBI director James Comey. He watched it happen to former deputy FBI director Andrew McCabe. Trump treats law enforcement officials like subcontractors on one of his buildings. Stiff the stupid fucker, and if he comes back at you, fire him. And if he doesn’t like that, sue him.
Trump just put up a banner outside the White House telling autocrats around the world that he’s open for business. You want a few F-22’s over there in Poland or the Czech Republic? Bring me some crap on Biden, or Bernie, or Warren! You want to get that oil flowing out of the ground up there above the Arctic Circle, Putin my pal? Get those damn hackers clacking those keyboards! Hey, MBS! You want some more smart bombs to drop on goat herders over there in Yemen? How about putting some bucks in my buildings!
Are the Democrats up for this kind of open-field thievery and in-your-face treachery? Is anybody? One of the anchors on MSNBC asked Frank Figliuzzi, the former FBI assistant director for counterintelligence, what FBI Director Wray should do now that Trump has pointed to the corner and told him to go sit down and keep his mouth shut. Get this: Figliuzzi said Wray should write a memo telling the most important law enforcement agency in the land to keep their heads down and do their jobs.
Trump could have the White House painted high gloss black and order the Treasury Department to deliver pallets of hundred dollar bills to the front door, and the Democrats would accuse him of a cover-up and order another hearing.
Pelosi had a chance on Thursday at her weekly press conference to tell the world that Trump is an out and out felon, and we’re going to impeach him starting today. Instead, she called Mitch McConnell the Grim Reaper and put up a poster showing a cemetery filled with the headstones of the bills he hasn’t passed.
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The next time Trump has Stephanopoulos over to the Oval Office for a lecture on the Way the World Works, he’s going to call off the election, turn to the camera and say, now what are you going to do?
Impeach him? Is it even a question anymore? If not now, when?
LUCIAN K. TRUSCOTT IV
Lucian K. Truscott IV, a graduate of West Point, has had a 50-year career as a journalist, novelist and screenwriter. He has covered stories such as Watergate, the Stonewall riots and wars in Lebanon, Iraq and Afghanistan. He is also the author of five bestselling novels and several unsuccessful motion pictures. He has three children, lives on the East End of Long Island and spends his time Worrying About the State of Our Nation and madly scribbling in a so-far fruitless attempt to Make Things Better. He can be followed on Facebook at The Rabbit Hole and on Twitter @LucianKTruscott.
MORE FROM LUCIAN K. TRUSCOTT IV
New GOP ploy: Investigate investigators
Assange and the future of democracy
Are Dems heading for an ugly primary?
Copyright © 2018 Salon Media Group, Inc.
Billionaires not really listening.
However I’ve always believed that everything has a limit. The trillion total accumulation still stands except those who have already exceeded it and you know who you are.
The problem is this:
We must examine longer than long term and that includes at least 2-3 more generations to secure our children’s s kids, after that all bets off.
Because like the poor little rich girl of renown Woolworth fame, they are likely be unable to get up before noon anyway.
However as we all should know, machines do perpetuate, even have before AI, capital sees to it, and if the 2 percent go down, there certainly be a general and total meltdown, psychologically, statistically and environmentally.
Thus even if we live to the day when 2 percent will own 98 percent equity and the ninety eight percent only 2 percent total equity, its ok and necessary.
Violence in El Paso!
Somehow this racial violence can be linked to the wall!
Does this effect the delicate balance between nationalism and internationalism?
A few decades ago walls were coming down, but the potential derivitive to identity politics is unavoidably related.
Or is it, rather a contention of structural inbalance?
‘The numbers don’t lie.’
View in Browser | Add nytdirect@nytimes.com to your address book. The New York Times
The New York Times
Monday, August 5, 2019
NYTimes.com/David-Leonhardt »
Op-Ed Columnist
American conservatism has a violence problem.
The current secretary of energy, Rick Perry, once publicly suggested that the chairman of the Federal Reserve deserved to be beaten up because of his interest rate policy. Greg Gianforte, a member of Congress from Montana, physically assaulted a reporter who asked him a question he didn’t like. President Trump has repeatedly alluded to extrajudicial physical force, including suggesting that his supporters might resort to violence if they didn’t get their way.
The most extreme version of conservatism’s violence problem is the most tragic: the pattern of mass shootings by people espousing right-wing views, sometimes encouraged in online forums.
Last year, 39 of the 50 killings committed by political extremists, according to the Anti-Defamation League, were carried out by white supremacists. Another eight were committed by killers with anti-government views. Over the past 10 years, right-wing extremists were responsible for more than 70 percent of extremist-related killings. “Right-wing extremist violence is our biggest threat,” Jonathan Greenblatt, the head of the A.D.L., has written. “The numbers don’t lie.”
The latest example came on Saturday in El Paso when a 21-year-old white man apparently killed 20 people, after having first announced in a manifesto that his attack was a response to “the Hispanic invasion of Texas.” His language mimicked the language that Trump has used.
Yes, I understand that there are important caveats to add. Conservative America is mostly filled with honorable people who deplore violence and bear no responsibility for right-wing hate killings. Some mass shootings have no evident political motive, like the one in Dayton, Ohio, on Sunday. And liberal America also has violent and deranged people, like the man who shot at Republican members of Congress playing softball in 2017. Some Democratic politicians have also occasionally lapsed into ugly, violent rhetoric and suggested they want to punch their political opponents.
But it’s folly to pretend that the problem is symmetrical. Mainstream conservative politicians use the rhetoric of physical violence much more often, starting with the current president of the United States. And right-wing extremists have a culture of violence unlike anything on the left. Its consequences are fatal, again and again.
Over the years, Republicans have sometimes called on Muslim leaders to ask themselves why their religion has produced a disproportionate share of the world’s terrorist attacks — and to do something about the situation. I’d urge those Republicans to take their own advice. Right-wing terrorism is killing far more Americans these days than Islamist terrorism.
Related
Kathleen Belew of the University of Chicago, in The Times: “Too many people still think of these attacks as single events, rather than interconnected actions carried out by domestic terrorists.”
Jennifer Rubin, Washington Post: “It’s not merely Republicans’ indulgence of the National Rifle Association that puts Americans’ lives in jeopardy; it is the support and enabling of a president that inspires white nationalist terrorists — and even denies white nationalism is a problem.”
A front-page Wall Street Journal story today: “Others, including some members of Congress and experts who study U.S. extremism, said the F.B.I. has been too slow to divert some of the extensive resources it devotes to combating Islamic terrorism to thwarting domestic hate groups. The bureau expended considerable resources on white supremacy in the 1990s but changed its focus after the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks.”
David’s Morning NYT Read
We Have a White Nationalist Terrorist Problem
By THE EDITORIAL BOARD
Mass shootings like the one in El Paso should be condemned by America’s leaders as terrorism.
The Full Opinion Report
Mr. President, Please Take a Stand Against Racism
By JAMES COMEY
The nation’s ability to contain it is faltering.
Terror and Policy: 2 Sides of White Nationalism
By CHARLES M. BLOW
The white supremacist terrorists and the white supremacist policymakers share the same mission.
There’s No Second Amendment Right to Large-Capacity Magazines
By ROBERT J. SPITZER
But conservative judges may block common-sense measures for a long time to come.
The Right Way to Understand White Nationalist Terrorism
By KATHLEEN BELEW
Attacks like that in El Paso are not an end in themselves. They are a call to arms, toward something much more frightening.
When Hate Came to El Paso
By RICHARD PARKER
The worst massacre aimed at Latinos in American history happened in my hometown, to my people.
Dayton Has Survived Highs and Lows. It Will Survive This.
By DAVID BELCHER
My hometown has always represented hope. After Sunday’s massacre, it must continue to do so more than ever.
All about identity politics, it is that will not be let out of the box, of the box of illusion which has unraveled the great mix, which has come to an uncertain blend , whereas it has been always constituted as such.
The material/financial and the essential/spiritual are literally coming apart, so it appears.
But it is not true, it is only a phenomenological construction , a false reconstruction .
Something’s gotta give, somebody will be called to action.
Here are some examples ornate of charity:
washingtonpost.com/nation/2 … edirect=on
[youtube]https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gM4Xm2MGLNQ[/youtube]
I like living easy without family ties (living eaaaasy)
Till the whippoorwill of freedom zapped me right between the eyes
'Cause I live and breathe this Phiiiiladelphia freedom!
holy shit was this the wrong thread. my bad.
i thought this was current events or something.
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i thought this was current events or something.
Close enuf. Billionaires have access.to information. And who knows nowadays what’s relevant. Charity is fine, and the above.goes. Billionaires or.anyone for that matter will only act in crisis where their own survival is at stake. I was going to list all of the billionaires so good acts, and some of them are commandible, but some are merely to yawn at, for the most part the trusts in favor of a guaranteed succession of powers take precedence
The rest result in tax writeoffs and other goodies.
What we have for dinner, freedom or slavery if that was Your intended forum, may be interesting though, cross economic borders.
I will list billionaire charities down the line when I have more quality time.
Here it is lists of those who gave most and least, by Forbes:
The New Forbes 400 Philanthropy Score: Measuring Billionaires’ Generosity
Deniz CamForbes Staff
I cover the world’s richest people
US-UN-GOALKEEPERSGETTY
For the first time, Forbes 400 members are ranked not just on their total wealth and on how self-made they are, but also on their generosity. Members of this elite club have been scored on a scale of 1 to 5, with 5 being the most philanthropic. List members about whom we could find no charitable giving information received an N.A. (not available).
To come up with the scores, we first estimated each list member’s total lifetime giving. A team of 32 Forbes journalists delved into public filings, from tax forms for private foundations to press releases, and reached out to 400 members and nonprofits as well. Next we looked at what percent of their fortune they had given away. We weighted these two factors equally and scored people accordingly.
Some individuals were then bumped up or down based on several other factors, including whether they had signed the Giving Pledge, whether they had pledged significant donations, how personally involved they were in their charitable giving and how quickly and effectively their private foundations distributed dollars. In a few instances, we also used some lifetime-giving information from Boca Raton-based firm SHOOK Research. We did not make a qualitative evaluation of the 400 members’ charitable gifts. We didn’t count pledges or announced gifts that have yet to be paid out. That’s why the world’s richest person Jeff Bezos is ranked a 2 out of 5 and not higher. Had the Amazon founder immediately distributed the $2 billion he pledged in September to help homeless families and start preschools, his score would have been a 4.
2018 Forbes 400 Philanthropy Scores ChartFORBES 2018
Only 29 of America’s 400 richest were given the highest possible score. To get to that recognition, a person had to give away at least $1 billion and/or 20% of their total net worth. There were 36 people, for instance, who gave away $1 billion who didn’t get the top score and another three who gave away less than $1 billion but still earned a score of 5. Notable top givers include Bill Gates, who has donated $35.8 billion to his charitable foundation, more than anyone else in the world; that figure is 27% of his fortune as of September 7, 2018, the day we locked in net worths for the Forbes 400. (To calculate giving as a percent of net worth, we added the value of the gift to the September 2018 net worth and then divided lifetime giving into that amount.)
In percentage terms, George Soros has donated more than any other Forbes 400 member. In 2017, Soros shifted $18 billion from his Soros Management Fund to his philanthropic network, Open Society Foundations. The move brought Soros’ lifetime giving to a total of $32 billion, or 79% of his wealth. Since its inception in 1993, Open Society Foundations distributed $14 billion to a variety of organizations, including UN Women, Planned Parenthood, Amnesty International, the Roma Education Fund, and the Civil Liberties Union for Europe. In April 2018, Soros, who fled his home country Hungary during World War II, launched a $10 million emergency assistance fund to help Rohingya Muslims fleeing Myanmar during an ethnic cleansing campaign.
Nike cofounder Phil Knight and former Microsoft chief executive Steve Ballmer each received a score of 4. Though each has given away more than $1 billion, those gifts were less than 20% of their net worth. In contrast, hedge fund manager Steve Mandel, whose lifetime giving Forbesestimates at $690 million, has donated more than 20% of his fortune to causes like reversing climate change and education equity. Three AirBnB cofounders—Joe Gebbia, Brian Chesky, Nathan Blecharczyk—received a 2; their publicly-disclosed giving so far is minimal, in large part because their company is private, but all three have signed the Giving Pledge and made clear they will be active philanthropists. Seventy-six of the list members received a score of 1, including President Donald Trump, meaning they gave away less than $30 million or less than 1% of their fortune to date. In June, the New York attorney general filed a lawsuit against Trump, seeking $2.8 million plus penalties for allegedly using the foundation as a tool for his business and his presidential campaign. His lawyers say the case is politically motivated. (Editor’s Note: Elon Musk was erroneously included as 1 when Forbes first published the list; In 2015 Musk, who signed the Giving Pledge, gave 1.2 million Tesla shares worth $254 million to his foundation)
Some billionaires worked with Forbes; others refused to cooperate, citing privacy concerns and/or religious beliefs. Others disagreed with our efforts and our methodology. “The new philanthropy ranking is fundamentally flawed, in that it is biased in favor of those who make their gifts widely known, and against donors who choose to make their charitable contributions anonymously,” one current Forbes 400 member (who did not wish to be named) argued via email.
We acknowledge that some of our lifetime giving estimates may be low because of a lack of transparency, since it’s possible to make charitable gifts anonymously. However, the spirit of the project harks back to an anecdote that Bill Gates shared at The Forbes 400 Summit on Philanthropy in 2014. “One of the [Middle Eastern magnates] mentioned that in the Qur’an, it actually says the reason to talk about your philanthropy is [that] it encourages other people to do the same,” he said. “In that case, you have an obligation to talk about your philanthropy.” We agree, and hope to spark more conversation about the nation’s richest and their commitment to the public good.
© 2019 Forbes Media LLC. All Rights Reserved
Trump And Other Billionaires Who Scored As Stingiest Members Of Forbes 400
Room for improvement: A significant number of billionaires on our list have little to show when it comes to philanthropy.
How do the richest Americans do when it comes to giving away their money to charity? Let’s put it this way: Not every billionaire is eager to share their good fortune.
While many of the nation’s wealthiest people are exceedingly generous — by Forbes’ calculations, 36 members of The Forbes 400 have given away at least $1 billion or more over their lifetimes — there are a significant number of stingy billionaires who, to the best Forbes could find, have given away next to nothing in their lifetimes.
For the first time this year, we scored each member of The Forbes 400 list of richest Americans on how generous (or not) they are with their money. We found that a perhaps surprising number are tight-fisted, despite their financial wherewithal. Seventy-six billionaires (or nearly a fifth of our list members) earned the lowest-possible philanthropy score of one, which means they have given away less than $30 million or under 1% of their fortune in their lifetimes.
For some it is quite intentional. One plain-spoken billionaire is blunt about his disavowal of philanthropy. Ken Fisher, who founded Fisher Investments with $250 in 1979 and now manages some $96 billion in assets, says he is “not a fan of philanthropy.” He’s not terribly interested in volunteering his time, either, and has said that sitting on the board of a nonprofit would be “distracting.” (Even still, Forbes found that he has made at least $11.5 million in donations over the years.)
Archie Aldis “Red” Emmerson, who made a fortune in timber and is the nation’s third-largest landowner, has made similar comments. When his kids gave Oregon State University $6 million to build a forestry lab and name it in his honor, he quipped: “That’ll take you all the way to the poor farm. Better not do it very often.”
Another high-profile billionaire has been sued over his philanthropy. In 1987, President Donald Trump started the Donald J. Trump Foundation and indicated he would give away profits from his book, The Art of the Deal. However, over the next 30 years, the foundation became a vehicle for self-promotion, in which he took donations from others and distributed the money as if it were his own. In June 2018, New York’s attorney general filed a lawsuit against Trump, seeking $2.8 million plus penalties for allegedly using the foundation as a tool for his business and his 2016 presidential run. His lawyers responded by saying the suit is politically motivated.
Other times the nonprofits are the ones that want nothing to do with the billionaires. Former owner of the L.A. Clippers Donald Sterling has run into trouble with at least one institution that didn’t want his money. In 2014, following the airing of racist remarks that were caught on tape, UCLA returned a $425,000 donation and rejected the remainder of a $3 million pledge that Sterling had made to support basic kidney research at the university. Not that he was all that generous anyway. Sterling started his foundation in 2006, the same year he was sued by the Department of Justice for allegedly refusing to rent to African-Americans, but had put just $4 million into the charitable vehicle as of the end of 2016. That amounts to just 0.001% of his estimated $3.6 billion fortune.
There are plenty more billionaires who simply do not appear to have made philanthropy a priority. Many of them either lack a foundation altogether or have started a foundation and not done much with it. Some have publicized a gift here or there, as evidence of their philanthropy, but the donations don’t add up to much.
Take Stan Kroenke, a real estate and sports mogul who owns the L.A. Rams. He is the 58th richest person in the country but Forbes could only find traces of a single donation. In 2017, he and his wife Ann Walton Kroenke (a niece of Walmart founder Sam Walton) donated $1 million to the Red Cross in the wake of Hurricane Harvey. The Rams have a foundation, in which they support local youth organizations, but it relies on donations from others. It’s possible, however, that Kroenke prefers to give anonymously. His spokesperson did not respond to requests for comment.
Andy Beal, a Texas banker with a fortune estimated at $9.9 billion, also doesn’t appear to have given away much. He describes on his website a $1 million donation to the Perot Museum of Nature and Science in Dallas and “millions” more to colleges and charity sponsorships, as well as to prizes for science and math education. That is peanuts, relatively speaking, for a man who collected over $650 million in dividends from his banks just in 2017.
Sometimes the lack of giving is tied to the age of the billionaire or how recently they’ve made their fortunes. Some frankly are just getting started and can be expected to ramp up their philanthropy in coming years. For instance, Dropbox cofounder Drew Houston, 35, took his cloud storage company public in March, then promptly donated $5 million to a new foundation. Snap cofounder and CEO Evan Spiegel, 28, completed an IPO in 2017 and has also pledged to donate as many as 13 million Class A shares to a new foundation over the next two decades. So far, he has donated just shy of one million shares, worth roughly $10 million, according to regulatory filings. (Meanwhile, his cofounder Bobby Murphy, 30, has donated 3.3 million shares, equivalent to $54 million, and was thus given a higher philanthropy score.)
We acknowledge that some scores may be too low because we do not have a complete picture of a billionaire’s charitable giving. While many people have long been public with their philanthropy or opted to share details of their giving with Forbes, there are others who have remained anonymous or declined to cooperate with us.
To come up with the philanthropy scores, a team of 32 Forbes journalists delved into public filings and reached out to 400 members and nonprofits in an effort to estimate lifetime giving. We also looked at what percent of their fortune they had given away. We weighted these two factors equally and scored people accordingly. Some individuals were then bumped up or down based on several factors, including whether they had signed the Giving Pledge, how personally involved they were in their charitable giving and how quickly their private foundations distributed dollars.
Read more: The New Forbes 400 Philanthropy Score: Measuring Billionaires’ Generosity
© 2019 Forbes Media LLC. All Rights Reserved
MOreece surrendered. Can you buhlee that? Guess he won’t a real gangsta ass nigga.
Jeffrey Epstein’s autopsy reveals possible homicide
By Leslie Salzillo / Daily Kos (08/15/2019) - August 15, 20191139
Conspiracy theories and mysteries continue to surround the death of convicted sex offender and billionaire Jeffrey Epstein who was found dead last week at the Metropolitan Correctional Center in Manhattan. But not all are conspiracy theories—many are facts that reveal such blatant corruption that some of us simply find it hard to wrap our heads around them enough to believe the facts are true. Today, we have learned something new.
An autopsy was performed on Epstein soon after his body was found. It was called an “apparent suicide” by U.S. Attorney General William Barr. Epstein reportedly hanged himself. No witnesses, no guards, no camera video when it “apparently”. happened.
The autopsy report now reveals he had multiple breaks in his neck bones—with some irregular for a suicide.
Washington Post writes:
Among the bones broken in Epstein’s neck was the hyoid bone, which in men is near the Adam’s apple. Such breaks can occur in those who hang themselves, particularly if they are older, according to forensics experts and studies on the subject. But they are more common in victims of homicide by strangulation, the experts said.
More investigations are, of course, expected.
People familiar with the autopsy, who spoke on the condition of anonymity due to the sensitive stage of the investigation, said Sampson’s office is seeking additional information on Epstein’s condition in the hours before his death. That could include video evidence of the jail hallways, which may establish whether anyone entered Epstein’s cell during the night he died; results of a toxicology screening to determine if there was any unusual substance in his body; and interviews with guards and inmates who were near his cell.
This sounds like it could be straight out of a gangster movie. If it was murder, Lord knows how many suspects there will be, because so many of Epstein associates are in high places and have much to lose if certain truths were to come out.
One thing is for sure. This story is not, and should not go away—not only because we want to know the truth about how Jefferey Epstein died, but more importantly to redeem the plethora of innocent, underage victims that he and his pals raped.
Jeffrey Epstein’s Bodyguard’s Thoughts on His Suicide Opens Eyes
The Bizarre Painting of Clinton That Epstein Had in His House
And the plot thickens….
Money is essentially a promissory note, with much of the wealth of billionaires consisting of essentially numbers in hard drives. And the value of those numbers are essentially maintained if the global economy continues to grow. But there are also limits to growth.
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Money is essentially a promissory note, with much of the wealth of billionaires consisting of essentially numbers in hard drives. And the value of those numbers are essentially maintained if the global economy continues to grow. But there are also limits to growth.
Sure bit those limits can be expanded by diversification , off line washing and tax evasion , murder for hire for whistle-blowers, faux business fronts, capital transfers to shadows, promissory notes loan sharing secured by murder inc., charity write offs, gambling and buying sprees, villas and neachfronted homes secured neighborhood watch, swill diamond studded watches to the tune of.millions, 'lost insured diamond studded multuplly insured watches, running scams like assassinations of third world leaders paid by narco criminals, assassination of hit men, movie stars and us presidents who do not toe the line, kidnappings and mind washing waterboarding and other fun stuff, and many many more.
Where is jimmy Carter who tried to limit growth? A pitiful 1 termer, lost somewhere between rows of.peanuts, that’s where!
Well here is something to prove that Trump’s charity extends to salvage our intelligence:
The New York Times
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Trump Demands That American Companies ‘Start Looking for an Alternative to China’
Image
China’s plan to retaliate against American tariffs, which was announced late on Friday in Beijing, includes putting new levies on $75 billion worth of American goods.
China’s plan to retaliate against American tariffs, which was announced late on Friday in Beijing, includes putting new levies on $75 billion worth of American goods.CreditLam Yik Fei for The New York Times
By Alan Rappeport and Keith Bradsher
Aug. 23, 2019
Updated 5:09 p.m. ET
WASHINGTON — President Trump, angered by Beijing’s decision on Friday to retaliate against his next round of tariffs and furious at his Federal Reserve chair for not doing more to juice the economy, said he would increase taxes on all Chinese goods and demanded that American companies stop doing business with China
Mr. Trump, in a tweet, said he would raise tariffs on $250 billion worth of Chinese goods to 30 percent from the current rate of 25 percent beginning Oct. 1. And he said the United States would tax the remaining $300 billion worth of imports at a 15 percent rate, rather than the 10 percent he had initially planned. Those levies go into effect on Sept. 1.
“China should not have put new Tariffs on 75 BILLION DOLLARS of United States product (politically motivated!). Starting on October 1st, the 250 BILLION DOLLARS of goods and products from China, currently being taxed at 25%, will be taxed at 30%,” Mr. Trump said in a tweet.
In an earlier series of angry Twitter posts, Mr. Trump also called for American companies to cut ties with Beijing and said the United States would be economically stronger without China. The president also called the Fed chair, Jerome H. Powell, an “enemy” of the United States and compared him to President Xi Jinping of China, his trade nemesis, after Mr. Powell declined to signal an imminent cut in interest rates.
“My only question is, who is our bigger enemy, Jay Powell or Chairman Xi?” the president tweeted.
Behind the tirade was the growing reality that the type of trade war Mr. Trump once called “easy to win” is proving to be more difficult and economically damaging than the president envisioned. Mr. Trump’s stiff tariffs on Chinese goods have been met with reciprocal levies, hurting American farmers and companies and contributing to a global slowdown.
On Friday, China said it would increase tariffs on $75 billion worth of American goods, including crude oil, automobiles and farm products like soybeans, pork and corn in response to Mr. Trump’s plan to tax another $300 billion worth of Chinese goods in September and December.
Mr. Trump’s response to China unnerved investors, who worry that the trade war between the world’s two largest economies will further drag down global growth. Stocks fell sharply on Friday, with the S&P 500 closing down more than 2.5 percent. The Dow Jones industrial average was down slightly more than 2 percent and the technology-heavy Nasdaq index fell 3 percent.
Mr. Powell said on Friday that the Fed could push through another interest rate cut if the economy weakened further but suggested that the central bank’s ability to limit economic damage from the president’s trade war was constrained.
Talks between the two nations have largely stalled, with China refusing to accede to the United States’ trade demands. As economic damage from the yearlong dispute mounts, Mr. Trump has taken a scattershot approach to spurring the economy: clamoring for the Fed to cut interest rates, teasing the idea of tax cuts and, on Friday, commanding American companies to do his bidding against China.
“Our great American companies are hereby ordered to immediately start looking for an alternative to China, including bringing our companies HOME and making your products in the USA,” he tweeted, adding “We don’t need China and, frankly, would be far better off without them.”
Mr. Trump also said he was directing the United States Postal Service and private American companies like FedEx, Amazon and U.P.S. to search packages from China for the opioid fentanyl and refuse delivery.
It was not yet clear on Friday how Mr. Trump planned to carry out his demands, including ordering companies to begin seeking alternatives to producing in China. Mr. Trump has routinely urged American companies to stop doing business in China and has viewed his tariffs as a way to prod them to move production. While some companies have begun looking for other places to locate their supply chains, including Vietnam, many businesses — particularly smaller ones — say such a move is costly, time-consuming and could put them out of business.
Business groups reacted with deep concern and pushed back against the notion that American companies would sever ties with China at Mr. Trump’s request.
“U.S. companies have been ambassadors for positive changes to the Chinese economy that continue to benefit both our people,” said Myron Brilliant, the head of international affairs at the U.S. Chamber of Commerce. “While we share the president’s frustration, we believe that continued constructive engagement is the right way forward.”
Retailers, which are bracing for pain from Mr. Trump’s next round of tariffs, said the president’s demands would hurt, not help, American businesses and the economy.
“It is unrealistic for American retailers to move out of the world’s second largest economy, as 95 percent of the world’s consumers live outside our borders,” said David French, the senior vice president for government affairs at the National Retail Federation.
And farmers, who have borne the brunt of China’s retaliation, said Mr. Trump’s tactics were only making things worse.
Chinese imports of American-made cars are among the goods China plans to target if the trade war escalates.CreditLam Yik Fei for The New York Times
“Every time Trump escalates his trade war, China calls his bluff – and why would we expect any differently this time around?” said Roger Johnson, president of the National Farmers Union. “It’s no surprise that farmers are again the target.”
On Friday afternoon, the president hastily assembled his top trade advisers at the White House — including Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, who joined by telephone — to settle on a response. The president was not aware that China’s retaliation was coming and was angry about being blindsided, according to people familiar with the matter.
Mr. Trump’s tweets on Friday caught most of his advisers and staff by surprise, and prompted alarm. Some of Mr. Trump’s advisers privately expressed concern that the ferocity of Mr. Trump’s response could derail the negotiations permanently and could unsettle supporters during an election year.
Mr. Trump’s advisers believe he is being urged on by Peter Navarro, a trade adviser who has been the main proponent of continuing down an antagonistic path with China. Mr. Navarro tried to play down the escalation on Fox Business Network, saying Beijing’s response was to be expected and would only galvanize support in the United States for Mr. Trump’s tough approach to China.
“I just think that the way that China is reacting to this whole thing is simply reinforcing America’s perception of China as a bad actor,” said Mr. Navarro, who is considered the biggest China hawk in the administration. “When China tries to bully us, that only strengthens our resolve.”
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Mr. Navarro said the new tariffs that China was imposing were just a sliver of the overall United States economy and that they should not affect growth. He said that actions by central banks to cut interest rates were more significant to the global economy than the trade dispute between the United States and China.
He added that he expected the negotiations between the United States and China would resume in September.
David Dollar, a China expert at the Brookings Institution, said that Mr. Trump’s anger appeared disproportionate to the relatively modest retaliation from China that should have been anticipated. However, he said it was notable that Mr. Trump’s order to companies appeared to take a page from Beijing’s playbook.
“It’s definitely outside the realm of a free-market economy,” Mr. Dollar said of the call for businesses to cut ties with China. “It’s typical of the kind of thing we complain about from China and other economies where a government intervenes outside the rule of law.”
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Mr. Trump’s anger was compounded by remarks from Mr. Powell, who did not suggest the Fed would undertake the kind of big interest rate cut that the president had been pressing for. Mr. Powell said that while another rate cut was possible, it was not guaranteed. And he suggested that the central bank’s ability to keep the economic damage from the president’s trade war at bay was somewhat limited.
“While monetary policy is a powerful tool that works to support consumer spending, business investment, and public confidence, it cannot provide a settled rule book for international trade,” said Mr. Powell, who spoke in Jackson, Wyo., at the Federal Reserve Bank of Kansas City’s annual symposium.
The State Council Tariff Commission in Beijing said that the tariffs were a response to Mr. Trump’s threat to impose new tariffs by Sept. 1. Mr. Trump had initially said he would impose 10 percent tariffs on $300 billion in Chinese-made goods on that date, essentially targeting everything that the United States buys from China that has not already been hit by previous rounds of tariffs. He later delayed more than half of the latest round of tariffs until Dec. 15 to avoid hitting American pocketbooks during the holiday shopping season. A few tariffs were scrapped entirely.
On Friday afternoon, he said those tariffs would start at a rate of 15 percent, rather than 10 percent.
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Both sides have a lot at stake. Recent market moves have signaled that many investors expect the American economy to slide into recession, with the trade war as a major reason.
The Chinese government has its own worries. The country’s economic growth is already slowing. Though Beijing keeps tight control over China’s economy and still has a lot of financial firepower at its disposal to help growth, a huge and growing debt problem has limited its options.
The disproportionate scale of the proposed retaliation — tariffs on $75 billion in American goods meant to counter tariffs on $300 billion in Chinese goods — reflects how unbalanced trade has become between the two countries. The dollar value of goods targeted by China tends to be much smaller than the value targeted by the White House for the simple reason that China exports far more to the United States than it imports.
Mark Williams, the chief Asia economist at Capital Economics, wrote in a note to clients that the structuring of China’s latest salvo reflected its limitations in waging such a protracted trade fight with the United States, noting that it was mostly taxing goods that it could easily source elsewhere.
“China is running into the limits of how much it can inflict pain on the U.S. without also hurting itself,” Mr. Williams said.
Alan Rappeport reported from Washington, and Keith Bradsher from Shanghai. Maggie Haberman contributed reporting from Washington.
RELATED COVERAGE
U.S. Delays Some China Tariffs Until Stores Stock Up for HolidaysAUG. 13, 2019
© 2019 The New York Times
What is about the rich that confuses them to the degree that as ruling class they can not fathom the historically obvious?
Is there credence through the experience of the French revolution, the Romanov massacre, the Persian Shah’s debacle, the South Vietnamese fate of the Mandarins empire of recent role-to continue to live in an obscure hope of sustaining themselves as usual.
Here I then, it must be attitude, places against and not with and through the subservient masses!
What then, is their attitude?
Here is a search into that very mystifying element of behind the concept of historical causality:
Big Money
The bad behavior of the richest: what I learned from wealth managers
The habits of the wealthiest mirror the supposed ‘pathologies’ of the poor. But while those in poverty are called lazy, the rich are dubbed bon vivants
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About this content
Brooke Harrington
Fri 19 Oct 2018 02.00 EDT
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If nearly a decade interviewing the wealth managers for the 1% taught me anything, it is that the ultra-rich and the ultra-poor have a lot more in common than stereotypes might lead you to believe.
In conversation, wealth managers kept coming back to the flamboyant vices of their clients. It was quite unexpected, in the course of discussing tax avoidance, to hear professional service providers say things like:
“I’ve told my colleagues: ‘If I ever become like some of our clients, shoot me.’ Because they are really immoral people – too much time on their hands, and all the money means they have no limits. I was actually told by one client not to bring my wife on a trip to Monaco unless I wanted to see her get hit on by 10 guys. The local sport, he said, was picking up other men’s wives.”
The clients of this Geneva-based wealth manager also “believe that they are descended from the pharaohs, and that they were destined to inherit the earth”.
I’ve told my colleagues: ‘If I ever become like some of our clients, shoot me’
If a poor person voiced such beliefs, he or she might well be institutionalized; for those who work with the wealthy, however, such “eccentricities” are all in a day’s work. Indeed, an underappreciated irony of accelerating economic inequality has been the way it has exposed behaviors among the ultra-rich that mirror the supposed “pathologies” of the ultra-poor.
In fact, one of the London-based wealth managers I interviewed said that a willingness to accept with equanimity behavior that would be considered outrageous in others was an informal job requirement. Clients, he said, specifically chose wealth managers not just on technical competence, but on their ability to remain unscandalized by the private lives of the ultra-rich: “They [the clients] have to pick someone they want to know everything about them: about Mother’s lesbian affairs, Brother’s drug addiction, the spurned lovers bursting into the room.” Many of these clients are not employed and live off family largesse, but no one calls them lazy.
As Lane and Harburg put it in the libretto of the musical Finian’s Rainbow:
When a rich man doesn’t want to work
He’s a bon vivant, yes, he’s a bon vivant
But when a poor man doesn’t want to work
He’s a loafer, he’s a lounger
He’s a lazy good for nothing, he’s a jerk
When the wealthy are revealed to be drug addicts, philanderers, or work-shy, the response is – at most – a frisson of tabloid-level curiosity, followed by a collective shrug.
Behaviors indulged in the rich are not just condemned in the poor, but used as a justification to punish them, denying them access to resources that keep them alive, such as healthcare and food assistance. Discussion of poverty has become almost impossible without moral outrage directed at lazy “welfare queens”, “crackheads” and other drug addicts, and the “promiscuous poor” (a phrase that has cropped up again and again in discussions of public benefits over more than a century).
These disparate perceptions aren’t just evidence of hypocrisy; they are literally a matter of life and death. In the US, the widespread belief that the poor are simply lazy has led many states to impose work requirements on aid recipients –even those who have been medically classified as disabled. Limiting aid programs in this way has been shown to shorten recipients’ lives: rather than the intended consequence of pushing recipients into paid employment, the restrictions have simply left them without access to medical care or a sufficient food supply. Thus, in one of the richest counties in America, a boy living in poverty died of a toothache; there were no protests, and nothing changed.
Why are so few US politicians from the working class?
Meanwhile, the “billionaire” in the White House starts his days at 11am – the rest of the morning is coyly termed “executive time” – and is known for his frequent holidays. “Nice work if you can get it,” quipped an opinion piece in the Washington Post.
We don’t hear much about laziness, drug addiction or promiscuity among the wealthiest members of society because – unlike Trump – most billionaires are not public figures and go to great lengths to seek privacy. Thus the motto of one London-based wealth management firm: “I want to be invisible.” This company, like many other service providers to the ultra-rich, specializes in preserving secrecy for clients. The wealthy people I studied not only had wealth managers but often dedicated staff members who killed negative stories about them in the media and kept their names off the Forbes “rich list”.
Donald Trump, who starts his days at 11am, has found plenty of time for vacation. Photograph: Peter Morrison/AP
Many even present themselves as homeless – for tax purposes – despite owning multiple residences. For the ultra-rich, having no fixed residence provides major legal and financial advantages; this is exemplified by the case of the wealthy businessman who acquired eight different nationalities in order to avoid taxes on his fortune, and by the UK native I interviewed in his Dubai apartment building:
“I am not tax resident anywhere. The tax man says ‘show me a utility bill’, and the only utility bill I can present is for the house I own in Thailand, and it’s in a language that the European authorities aren’t familiar with. With all the mobility going on in the world, international marriages, governments can’t keep up with people.”
Meanwhile, the poor can end up being “resident nowhere” because no one will allow them to stay in one place for very long; as the sociologist Cristobal Young has shown, the majority of migrants are poor people. In addition, the poor are routinely evicted from housing on the slightest pretext, frequently driving them into homeless shelters – which are in turn forced to move when local homeowners engage in nimby (not in my back yard) protests. Even the design of public spacesis increasingly organized to deny the poor a place to alight, however temporarily.
It is as if the right to move around, to take up space, and to direct your own life as you see fit have become luxury goods, available to those who can pay instead of being human rights. For the rich, deviance from social norms is nearly consequence-free, to the point where outright criminality is tolerated: witness the collective shrug that greeted revelations of massive intergenerational tax fraud in the Trump family.
For the poor, however, even the most minor deviance from others’ expectations – like buying ice cream or soft drinks with food stamps – results in stigmatization, limits on their autonomy, and deprivation of basic human needs. This makes life far more nasty, brutish and short for those on the lowest rungs of the socio-economic ladder, creating a chasm of more than 20 years in life expectancy between rich and poor. This appears to some as a fully justified consequence of “personal responsibility” – the poor deserve to die because of their moral failings.
So while the behavior of the ultra-rich gets an ever-widening scope of social leeway, the lives of the poor are foreshortened in every sense. Once upon a time, they were urged to eat cake; now the cake earns them a public scolding.
Brooke Harrington is a professor of economic sociology at the Copenhagen Business School and the author of Capital without Borders: Wealth Management and the One Percent (2016, Harvard University Press
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