“[Ischomachus] instructs Socrates on the art of household management. He lectures his wife about her duties and just how to run the household, manage the servants and organize her pots and pans. But in his effort not to offend her, he tells her that she is his queen bee. He is convinced that he is a master of the art of managing his wife. He boasts to Socrates at how well he is able to manage his wife and what a perfect little wife she has become as a result of all his impeccable instruction. […] But Strauss tells us that the dialogue reveals the truth, though only to the few. Isomachus [sic] is his wife’s slave. But that is not a fate peculiar to Isomachus, it is the sine qua non of being a husband. […] The message is clear: to be a husband, father and citizen is to be held captive by the charms that women employ in the service of civilization. (The idea is altogether Freudian.) The despotic charms of women hoodwink men into a life of never-ending servitude. In this way, women assist the city [polis] in transforming natural men into citizens and gentlemen. Perfect gentlemen like Isomachus are so oblivious to their chains that they believe themselves to be masters of their households. This is a form of self-deception native to gentlemen. […] According to Freud, civilization has its origin in the family, which in turn has its source in the union of Eros and Ananke . The former refers to the masculine desire for the security of sex or sexual satisfaction, which can only be guaranteed by keeping the female readily available. Ananke refers to the feminine desire for offspring which by necessity forces her to seek the protection of the stronger male. Sex and necessity are therefore the parents of civilization. But civilization cannot flourish unless men expand their horizons beyond the family and towards the larger community. The task of civilization is therefore to harness man’s libidinal energies for the sake of civilization. As representatives of the family and the claims of sexual love, women soon became the enemies of civilization. The irony is that although Eros is that for which civilization was invented, it is also the greatest enemy of civilized life. For Strauss as for Freud, the city or civilization is a necessary evil. Eros cannot enjoy the most modest degree of satisfaction in the absence of civilization any more than philosophy can in the absence of the city. Here the resemblance between the two thinkers comes to an end. The solutions they propose are different.
Like Strauss, Freud realizes that civilization keeps natural man captive not by threats or force, but by its comforting illusions and seductive charms. For both philosophers [sic], the success of civilization rests in its capacity to enslave men from within and not simply from without by the threat of punishment and death. Unlike Hobbes, they recognize that fear alone is not the most reliable motivation. Society must internalize its authority and rule over men from within. Both philosophers understand morality as the internalized authority of society or as something thoroughly conventional. Freud believes that civilizing man is a process of psychic oppression the violence of which causes illness and neurosis. He therefore sets out to cure the beleaguered psyche by a process of enlightenment. His object is not to overthrow civilization, but to make us accept it by impressing upon us its necessity. In contrast, Strauss believes that the philosopher is a fool if he tampers with the civilizing process. The gentleman is not neurotic. He is so duped by civilization that he delights in his servitude. Strauss finds no reason to liberate or enlighten him.” (Shadia Drury, The Political Ideas of Leo Strauss, pp. 83-84 and 86-87.)
“Oedipus and Agamemnon were serious men and therefore open to tragedy precisely because they experienced themselves as pious kings and fathers, the chief defenders of their sacred cities and families. Had they perceived themselves, as Nietzsche and Hess did, as nihilist individuals free to will anything, there would be no tragedy: anything could be freely willed or unwilled at any time.
Nothing is serious that cannot be ridiculous if one wills it to be so. Precisely this nihilist, and therefore apolitical or comic, resoluteness constitutes the inner truth and greatness of national socialism. Nihilist scientists are the only nazis!
[…] History explains how illiberalism or superstition arises in an essentially liberal reality. It is the story of all moral-political life which, as such, is sparked by nothing but superstition. It is the account of blind aimless wills and their foolish conflicts which superstition forces men to take seriously. Far from being guided by evident insight, as the nihilist rejection of common sense is, history is merely a record of the blind resolves enslaving men to certain prejudiced perceptions and thoughts such as faith in one’s family, tribe, city, state, race, sex, church, or humanity. Superstition manufactures an ‘objective’ reality for the objects of these faiths. Those pseudo-liberals [and genuine illiberals] who take history seriously will even die to actualize or preserve one or another of these historical developments of superstition.
Heidegger opted for one such historical development, nazi Germany and particularly for the nazi German university. Unlike most thinkers of this century, he was clear that neither his country, nor her universities existed or have any right to exist apart from the resolve to have them. Consequently he despised any allegiance which assumed that its object exists independently of the will that it be. Self-assertion, the willing of its self, is the only existence moral or communal things can have. Heidegger, therefore, rejected Hitler’s claim that Aryan superiority over Jews exists by nature apart from will or self-assertion. He traced Hitler’s error to ‘fishing in the murky waters of values and universals’, that is, to what Spinoza called superstition. For Hitler wanted his biologists to prove his racial theories scientifically.
Heidegger despised Hitler for his ‘Platonic’ enslavement to the common sense need for independently existing moral standards. The lesson of 1933 was responsible for Heidegger’s liberal contempt for politics. It taught him that Hitler’s enslavement to superstition was no exception, but the necessary hallmark of political or moral life.” (Harry Neumann,
Liberalism, pp. 143-44 and 228-29.)