Trump enters the stage

"Democracy Dies in Darkness

Election 2020 live updates: Biden projected to win Georgia, Trump projected to win North Carolina

The Washington Post is providing this important election information free to all readers. Get election results and other major news delivered to your inbox by signing up for breaking news email alerts.

President-elect Joe Biden is projected to win Georgia, and President Trump is projected to win North Carolina in the final calls of the presidential race.

Edison Research projects that Biden will capture Georgia’s 16 electoral votes, flipping a state Republicans have won in presidential elections since 1996. Georgia is now conducting a statewide hand recount of presidential votes, but Biden’s current lead of 14,152 votes in Georgia is expected to withstand any recount changes.

Trump is projected to add N.C.’s 15 electoral votes to his total. Overall, Biden is projected to win 306 electoral votes, Trump is projected to win 232.

Trump will deliver an update on the effort to develop and distribute a coronavirus vaccine at 4 p.m., his first public remarks in more than a week. Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala D. Harris continued to meet with transition advisers to plan their administration even as Trump challenges the vote count in several states and refuses to concede.

A Michigan judge has rejected a GOP demand to delay certification of the vote count in Detroit. This is the latest in a string of defeats for President Trump and his allies, who have sought to un-do – or at least delay – Biden’s electoral victory with long-shot lawsuits claiming election irregularities.

Here’s what to know:
Election officials in Georgia have begun a recount to manually verify all of the nearly 5 million ballots cast in the presidential race in the state, where Biden narrowly leads.
Trump is mostly ignoring public presidential duties as he focuses on baseless claims that voter fraud cost him reelection.
Far-right protesters who back Trump’s refusal to concede plan to gather Saturday in D.C.; anti-fascist and anti-racist counterdemonstrators are expected as well.
November 13, 2020 at 3:12 PM EST
Georgia, last state to be called, goes to Biden
By Colby Itkowitz and Scott Clement
Georgia, the last state to be called in the 2020 presidential election, has been won by Biden, giving the president-elect another 16 electoral votes to expand his lead over Trump.

Trump’s apparent early lead in the state on election night eroded as mail-in ballots from more Democratic areas were counted. Georgia, which voted for Trump by five percentage points in 2016, was a major pickup for Democrats, who have hoped to one day flip the state.

Biden visited the state for the first time in the campaign a week before the election, seeing possibility there but never counting on it to deliver him the presidency.

Like other Sun Belt states, Georgia’s population has grown younger and more diverse, cutting into the long-held Republican advantage there. Much credit has gone to Democrat Stacey Abrams, who, after losing a race for governor in 2018, made it her mission to fight voter suppression and register new voters.

Although the race has been called for Biden, the political drama in the state is far from over. The narrow margin of victory triggered a hand recount of nearly 5 million ballots, which began Friday, but Biden’s current lead of 14,152 votes in Georgia is expected to withstand any recount changes.

A 2020 Fairvote study of 31 recounts across various states found on average recounts shifted the vote margin by 430 votes. The largest shift in the percentage-point margin was in Vermont’s 2006 auditor’s race, in which the recount shifted the vote margin 0.107 percentage points, a 239-vote swing. Biden’s current percentage-point advantage is more than twice that level, standing at 0.28 percentage points.

In the meanwhile, Georgia will become the center of the political universe, with both of the state’s U.S. Senate seats up for grabs in dual runoff elections on Jan. 5. The winners of those races will determine the balance of power in the Senate.

November 13, 2020 at 2:33 PM EST
Arizona GOP lawsuit criticized by office of state’s Republican attorney general
By Hannah Knowles
A new election lawsuit filed Thursday by the Arizona GOP is being criticized by the office of the state’s Republican attorney general as having no legal footing.

The suit takes issue with the hand-count auditing process for ballots in the state’s largest county, Maricopa, but seemed confused about how it worked. The suit said the audit in Maricopa was expected to start “any day now,” when in fact the county had already finished, with reported 100 percent accuracy.

Arizona’s hand-count audits check that machines worked correctly by examining ballots from two polling places or 2 percent of them, whichever is greater. They also look at either 1 percent of all early ballots cast or 5,000 early ballots, whichever is less. The hand counting is done by a bipartisan group appointed by county political parties.

The Arizona GOP wants the court to order Maricopa to sample “precincts,” the word used in state law. But Maricopa uses a “vote center” system, in which voters can choose whatever polling place they find most convenient, rather than their designated precinct. So it sampled vote centers for its audit, as the state’s election manual advises.

In a letter to Republican state legislative leaders, the chief deputy and chief of staff for Arizona Attorney General Mark Brnovich (R) wrote that there is no legal basis to insist on “precinct” auditing. “In those counties that use voting centers, the practical effect of a hand count audit based only on precincts could result in no ballots being counted because no ballots would have been cast using tabulating machines at precincts,” the letter states. “We do not believe the Legislature intended this result.”

Earlier this week in an interview with Fox Business, Brnovich rejected the idea of any scheme to steal the election and said there was no evidence “that would lead anyone to believe that the election results will change.”

The Arizona Republican Party did not respond to questions Friday about its lawsuit.

November 13, 2020 at 2:25 PM EST
Trump adds 15 electoral college votes to his total with projected North Carolina win
By Paulina Firozi and David Weigel
President Trump is projected to win North Carolina, adding 15 electoral college votes to his total, according to Edison Research.

The state was one of the final battlegrounds to report final results, taking a relatively long time to tabulate votes in part because it allowed ballots postmarked on or before Election Day to be received through Nov. 12.

North Carolina was a reach state for Democrats. They didn’t need it to win the presidency, but believed there was an opportunity to wrest it away from Trump, who won the state in 2016 by 3.7 points. Barack Obama won the state in 2008, the first Democratic presidential candidate to do so in 32 years, but it’s otherwise leaned Republican.

Trump bested Biden in the state by just under 2 points.

November 13, 2020 at 1:51 PM EST
Trump to speak at 4 p.m., his first public remarks since last Thursday
By Colby Itkowitz
President Trump arrives in the White House briefing room Nov. 5. (Evan Vucci/AP)
The White House announced that Trump will deliver remarks at 4 p.m. regarding the development of a coronavirus vaccine, marking only his second time speaking publicly since the Nov. 3 election.

The president, who for four years was heard from almost daily, went dark after a news conference Nov. 5, the Thursday after the election, in which he decried the election results and baselessly claimed that they were corrupted.

Since then, he has been heard from only through tweets and through surrogates arguing that he was the rightful winner of the election.

It is unclear whether the president will take questions from the media after his remarks, as he typically has done after delivering coronavirus updates.

November 13, 2020 at 1:45 PM EST
Michigan judge rejects GOP demand to delay certification of vote count in Detroit
By David Fahrenthold
A Michigan judge on Friday rejected Republicans’ requests to delay the certification of election results in Detroit, saying he saw no convincing evidence of election fraud at a center for counting absentee ballots.

Wayne County Circuit Chief Judge Timothy M. Kenny said that the allegations of misconduct, made by GOP poll watchers and one Detroit election official, were “not credible.” Kenny said that the plaintiffs’ demand for an outside audit of the election in Michigan could delay the process so long that Michigan’s electors might not be selected in time to vote in the electoral college.

To grant the plaintiffs’ request, Kenny said, “would undermine faith in the Electoral System.”

Biden now leads in Michigan by about 148,000 votes.

Kenny’s ruling is the latest in defeats for Trump and his allies, who have sought to undo — or at least delay — President-elect Biden’s electoral victory with long-shot lawsuits claiming election fraud. In Michigan alone, this is the third time that a judge has rejected GOP demands to delay certification of the state’s result — or even to rerun the entire election.

The Michigan lawsuit at issue Friday was brought by two Republican poll watchers. It echoed the allegations made in other Michigan lawsuits: that workers counting absentee ballots in Detroit had broken rules to help Biden.

The plaintiffs submitted affidavits from witnesses — and one election worker — alleging that late-arriving ballots had been backdated to appear valid, and that some voters had a birth date in 1900.

Lawyers for the defense said these witnesses, armed with little knowledge of the vote-counting process, had been alarmed by normal procedures they did not understand. In his ruling, Kenny agreed, saying he’d been convinced by defense witnesses who were experts in administering elections.

November 13, 2020 at 1:29 PM EST
Rep.-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene complains about having to wear a mask in Congress
By Colby Itkowitz
Rep.-elect Marjorie Taylor Greene (R-Ga.), right, on Friday during an orientation for newly elected lawmakers on Capitol Hill. (Pool photo by Astrid Riecken/EPA-EFE/Shutterstock)
Georgia Republican Marjorie Taylor Greene took to Twitter during her freshman orientation to Congress to lament Capitol Hill’s policy that everyone wear a mask.

“Our first session of New Member Orientation covered COVID in Congress. Masks, masks, masks… I proudly told my freshman class that masks are oppressive,” the representative-elect tweeted. “In GA, we work out, shop, go to restaurants, go to work, and school without masks. My body, my choice. #FreeYourFace.”

Greene, a far-right, Trump allegiant who has espoused baseless QAnon theories and promoted bigoted rhetoric, won her seat to Congress after beating the establishment GOP candidate in the primary. In her deep-red district, it was all but assured she would then win the general election.

Greene’s comments come as coronavirus cases are spiking in the United States. Many Trump campaign aides and Secret Service agents have been infected, as has the longest-serving House member, Rep. Don Young (R-Alaska), age 87.

Several Democrats pounced on Greene’s tweet as an example of the extremist beliefs within the Republican Party.

“The top House Republican said yesterday House Republicans would welcome their new QAnon Caucus into the fold, and sure enough, crazy attacks on science followed,” tweeted Rep. Don Beyer (D-Va.) “Masks save lives. They protect the people around us. Refusing to wear masks is selfish and endangers others.”

Greene was seen around the Capitol wearing an American-flag mask but was also photographed without it.

November 13, 2020 at 1:24 PM EST
Trump campaign acknowledges its Arizona lawsuit will not make a difference in presidential race
By Hannah Knowles
The Trump campaign acknowledged Friday that its lawsuit in Arizona would not make a difference in the presidential race.

The suit had alleged “up to thousands” of allegedly mishandled ballots in Maricopa County would “prove determinative” in the presidential election. But its claims and goals were steadily watered down this week in court as county officials said fewer than 200 votes for president were at stake. Biden leads by close to 11,000 votes in Arizona.

The campaign maintained in a Friday filing that two down-ballot races “remain at issue”: a Board of Supervisors seat and a state Senate seat. But attorneys for the Arizona secretary of state, a defendant in the case, said that all claims were almost certainly moot, pending 3 p.m. local time Friday, when Maricopa County expects to finish counting all its ballots.

The suit also does not allege the fraud Trump and his allies have warned about throughout the country — something an attorney for the president’s campaign, Kory Langhofer, emphasized repeatedly at a hearing Thursday. His arguments cut a sharp contrast with the “Stop the steal” push that has rallied Trump supporters in Arizona.

“We’re not alleging that anyone was stealing the election,” Langhofer told the court Thursday, adding later, “The allegation here is that, in what appears to be a limited number of cases, there were good-faith errors in operating machines that should result in further review of certain ballots.”

The Trump campaign’s lawsuit alleges that poll workers pressed or told voters to press a button on a tabulating machine to cast their ballots even after those tabulators flagged an apparent “overvote,” in which the machine believed a voter marked two candidates in the same race. If the machine reads two votes in the same race, it will not count a vote for any candidate in that contest.

Maricopa County says it has identified about 950 total ballots with overvotes, roughly 190 of them with an overvote for the office of president.

The lawsuit originally sought to halt certification of election results until all affected ballots could be reviewed by hand. But on Thursday, plaintiffs said they wanted a review only if the final vote tallies showed it could make a difference.

The Trump campaign encountered skepticism and setbacks right off the bat Thursday, when Judge Daniel Kiley refused to admit some of its evidence, saying it was not trustworthy.

November 13, 2020 at 12:33 PM EST
Pelosi defiant about Democrats’ mandate as her majority dwindles
By Colby Itkowitz
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) on Friday. (J. Scott Applewhite/AP)
House Speaker Nancy Pelosi continued to defend her caucus’s loss of seats, blaming it on Trump at the top of ticket making it harder for Democrats to win in red districts.

“We had a very deep victory two years ago,” Pelosi (D-Calif.) said during a news conference Friday. “I don’t think that people quite understand, of the 40 seats that we won, 31 were in Trump districts. He wasn’t on the ballot. And right away we said: ‘He’s going to be on the ballot. That’s a steeper climb in these districts.’”

“We saved most of those seats,” she said. “So we’re very proud of that.”

Pelosi gave Trump credit for turning out voters in those districts and said she is already looking ahead to the midterms, when some of those ousted Democrats might run again.

“The fact is that President Trump, to his credit, turned out a big vote,” she said, “and in some of these districts, which people wondered how we won them before, they were so Trumpian.”

“A number of candidates have already said they’re going to run again. I’m not going to make any announcements for anybody, but a number of them have told me that they’re ready,” she said. “They loved being in Congress.”

Pelosi rejected the idea that her smaller majority undercuts her ability to get things done, pointing out that she soon will have an ally in the White House, giving her more power, not less.

She also remarked on Republicans adding more women to their ranks, saying she was excited to have more women in Congress and hoped they would find common ground on shared interests such as domestic-violence issues.

“So let’s say let’s be optimistic and let us see. But I congratulate and welcome each and every one of them,” Pelosi said, adding that the Democrats will have 90 women in their caucus next year compared with the Republicans’ record 35 women.

November 13, 2020 at 12:21 PM EST
Georgia begins its laborious hand recount
By Reis Thebault
MARIETTA, Ga. — Georgia on Friday morning began the laborious process of recounting by hand every one of the nearly 5 million ballots cast in the state’s presidential election.

It’s a monumental undertaking.

The state’s 159 counties are manually re-tallying the votes and auditing the results for any irregularities, though there is no evidence of widespread problems.

Trump and his allies have peddled unsubstantiated claims of fraud in Georgia and elsewhere, but Georgia Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger, a Republican, has held firm that the election was fair and transparent. He said he expects the recount to confirm the state’s results, which have Biden ahead by more than 14,000 votes.

In Cobb County, a suburban enclave north of Atlanta, the audit began at 9 a.m. Friday in a sprawling park and event center. The process started with more than 50 election workers — a number that was expected to swell as the count wears on — at rows of tables in teams of two.

The pairs verify each ballot and determine who received the vote, while observers from both parties stroll through the aisles and watch. Each party is allowed the same number of official observers, but they must preregister with the county. Members of the public and media may also attend but are not permitted inside the cordoned-off recount area without county credentials.

In Cobb County on Friday morning, official, preregistered Democratic observers outnumbered Republicans. Kim Blackadar, a resident who voted for Trump and attended the audit, lamented that her party had thus far not sent as many official observers. “More eyeballs need to be present,” she said.

Janine Eveler, head of the county’s elections office, said the entire election there has been smooth. “We haven’t seen any anomalies in Cobb County,” Eveler said.

November 13, 2020 at 10:28 AM EST
Russia keeps mum on Biden victory, but says Moscow can work with ‘any president’
By Robyn Dixon
MOSCOW — Russia stuck to its increasingly awkward diplomatic stance Friday of failing to congratulate President-elect Joe Biden — deepening its outlier status after China sent a well-wishing message to Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala D. Harris.

Dmitry Peskov, spokesman for Russian President Vladimir Putin, said Putin would send a congratulatory telegram to “the person named the president-elect” when the official results are announced.

“If we understand correctly, the president-elect has not been named yet,” Peskov told reporters. He said Russia had not reached out to Biden in any way and declined to clarify whether Moscow planned to wait out every possible Republican court action.

He repeated Russian denials of interference in the 2016 or any other election, but added that Russia was willing to work with any American president.

“We will work with any president whom the Americans themselves will choose,” he said. “And, of course, a president who will want to, at least somehow, revive our bilateral relations would appeal to us more.”

The holding pattern on congratulating Biden underscored the Kremlin’s apparent concern that Biden will take a tougher line on Russia than Trump. It also contrasts sharply with the delight among Russian officials, including Peskov, after Trump’s election in 2016.

Peskov also had a dig at American democracy, echoing a line from Russian officials since Trump baselessly claimed giant fraud in the election.

He said there had been constant U.S. criticism in the past of Russia’s human rights record and elections.

“It is now even somewhat awkward to say,” Peskov said. “It seems that the Americans can hardly criticize anyone for that now.”

November 13, 2020 at 9:30 AM EST
Trump in interview with Washington Examiner says, ‘Never bet against me’

Trump, in an interview with the Washington Examiner published Friday, laid out a fanciful vision for how he believes he can still win the election through a series of recounts and court challenges even though there is no evidence to suggest that’s possible.

Trump has kept a low profile this week and hasn’t really been heard from other than tweeting — a stark contrast to his typical daily appearances in front of the camera through news conferences, speeches and rallies.

In the interview conducted on Thursday, Trump told the Examiner’s Byron York that he would still win Wisconsin, Arizona and Georgia, the latter two through hand counts. It is improbable that a hand count would yield the thousands of votes Trump would need to overcome Biden’s leads in those states.

Trump also claimed erroneously that he would win back Michigan and Pennsylvania through challenging ballots through lawsuits. Biden has sizable leads over Trump in those states that would require courts to throw out close to 150,000 votes in Michigan and nearly 55,000 in Pennsylvania for Trump to win them.

He told York that he believed he would turn the election in his favor in two or three weeks. “Never bet against me,” he said.

November 13, 2020 at 8:59 AM EST
Law firm representing Trump campaign in Pennsylvania pulls out of case
By

A law firm representing Trump in his attempt to challenge the election count in Pennsylvania has withdrawn from the case.

Porter Wright Morris & Arthur said in a court motion filed late Thursday that attorneys Ronald L. Hicks Jr. and Carolyn B. McGee would no longer be representing Trump’s campaign in the case.

“Plaintiffs and Porter Wright have reached a mutual agreement that Plaintiffs will be best served if Porter Wright withdraws,” the attorneys said in their motion.

The firm said Trump’s campaign was “in the process of retaining” other attorneys to represent it. Linda A. Kerns, a Philadelphia attorney who is representing Trump in a flurry of lawsuits in the state’s courts, will remain on the case.

Several law firms representing Trump in his efforts to undermine the result in battleground states have come under pressure to drop the president as a client.

Trump’s federal lawsuit in Pennsylvania seeks an emergency injunction preventing state authorities from certifying the state’s election results. It alleges that hundreds of thousands of votes cast in Philadelphia and Pittsburgh are invalid because Trump’s campaign was unable to observe them being counted, which election officials deny.

Commonwealth Secretary Kathy Boockvar on Thursday asked the court to dismiss what she called Trump’s “desperate and unfounded attempt to interfere” with the election process.

“The voters of Pennsylvania have spoken,” attorneys for Boockvar said in a court filing.

November 13, 2020 at 7:55 AM EST
China congratulates Biden, Harris on victory

Chinese President Xi Jinping shakes hands with then-Vice President Joe Biden in 2013. (Pool/Reuters)

SEOUL — China finally congratulated President-elect Joe Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala D. Harris on Friday for their U.S. election win, ending whispers over Beijing’s reticence.

Beijing’s salutations came just over 24 hours after Biden’s team said he had held phone calls with the leaders of Australia, Japan and South Korea — U.S. allies that have watched with varying degrees of concern as Beijing has expanded its regional influence. Biden was projected as the winner of the presidential election on Nov. 7.

The early overtures to China’s neighbors reflected Biden’s campaign promise of staying tough on China but seeking a united front instead of the Trump administration’s more unilateral approach. China’s government has been cautiously optimistic about calmer relations with Washington under a Biden administration, although officials have no illusions of a major thaw.

November 13, 2020 at 7:52 AM EST
Two senior Homeland Security officials forced out as White House firings widen
By Nick Miroff and Ellen Nakashima
The White House has forced out two top Department of Homeland Security officials as part of a widening purge of anyone suspected of lacking complete loyalty to President Trump, three people familiar with the removals said Thursday.

Valerie Boyd, the top official for international affairs at DHS, was asked for her resignation, as was Bryan Ware, a senior policy aide at the Cybersecurity and Infrastructure Security Agency. The requests came from the White House’s Presidential Personnel Office, whose 30-year-old director, John McEntee, has recently intensified efforts to purge appointees who have failed to demonstrate sufficient fealty to the president.

Boyd, in a resignation letter obtained by The Washington Post, wrote to DHS acting secretary Chad Wolf that she hopes government officials will “act with honor” during the transition to a new presidency.

November 13, 2020 at 7:45 AM EST
Biden finds support among some Republican lawmaker
President-elect Joe Biden began seeing more support, if indirectly, from Republicans on Thursday as senior GOP lawmakers calle
d for him to receive classified briefings even as the Trump administration continued to bar a formal transition.

Trump officials prolonged that blockade even though in private top campaign aides were candidly telling President Trump that his prospects of winning reelection were an uphill battle, according to people close to the discussions who spoke on the condition of anonymity to reflect private conversations. His campaign, meanwhile, was scrambling to form a coherent legal strategy.

The acknowledgments from Republicans came as Biden and his team continued to map out his transition, despite the lack of official certification from the General Services Administration that would unlock the resources and access to the federal government that Biden and his team will need to fully prepare for taking office on Jan. 20.

Updated November 12, 2020
Election 2020: Biden defeats Trump
Live updates: The latest developments.

Biden beats Trump: His victory is a repudiation of Trump, powered by legions of women and minority voters.

Kamala Harris makes history as first woman of color elected vice president.

Biden’s agenda: He plans immediate flurry of executive orders to reverse Trump policies.

© 1996-2020 The Washington Post

<><><><><><><>< ><><><><><><><>< <><>

Legal stuff Legal stuff. Legal stuff

POLITICO

2020 ELECTIONS

‘Purely outlandish stuff’: Trump’s legal machine grinds to a halt
So many lawsuits have been filed in so many state and federal courts that no one has an exact number. The campaign has lost nearly all of the cases that have been decided so far.

Trump supporters protesting the election results gather at the State Capitol in Lansing, Mich.
Trump supporters protesting the election results gather at the State Capitol in Lansing, Mich. | AP Photo/David Goldman

11/13/2020 07:03 PM EST

A Michigan lawyer for Donald Trump’s campaign filed a case in the wrong court. Lawsuits in Arizona and Nevada were dropped. A Georgia challenge was quickly rejected for lack of evidence. His Pennsylvania legal team just threw in the towel.

The president’s legal machine — the one papering swing states with lawsuits and affidavits in support of Trump’s unsubstantiated claims of widespread fraud — is slowly grinding to a halt after suffering a slew of legal defeats and setbacks.

In the effort to stop Joe Biden’s victory from being certified, so many lawsuits have been filed in so many state and federal courts that no one has an exact number. But one thing is certain: the Trump campaign has an almost perfect record, having won only one case and lost at least a dozen.

Along the way, Trump lawyers have abruptly dropped core claims, been admonished in court for lack of candor and even been forced to admit they had no evidence of fraud, while their client inaccurately rails to the contrary on Twitter.

The sole Trump campaign victory came Thursday night: a Pennsylvania ruling that the secretary of state overstepped her authority by giving citizens extra days to fix signature mismatches on their mail in ballots. The ruling concerns a relatively small number of voters that are not even included in the election results for the state, where Biden leads by 62,000 votes with more than 98 percent of estimated votes reported.

On Friday, in another Pennsylvania case, the Trump cause was torpedoed yet again: an appeals court upheld the state’s method of handling post-Election Day absentee ballots, which could add more votes to Biden’s total.

“They’re throwing the kitchen sink against the wall to see what sticks — a mixed metaphor that’s deserving of this legal strategy. And ‘legal strategy’ should be in quotes,” said Ben Ginsberg, a veteran Republican election law attorney who headed the famed Florida recount team that ultimately led to George W. Bush becoming president.

Members of the Allegheny County Return Board process the remaining absentee and mail-in Allegheny County ballots on the North Side in Pittsburgh. | Steve Mellon/Pittsburgh Post-Gazette via AP

Ginsberg chuckled at one hapless Michigan lawyer who filed an election challenge Thursday evening in a federal claims court in Washington, D.C., the wrong venue, and bizarrely titled it, “Donald Trump v. USA,” as if the president was suing the nation.

“Why would anyone ever use that title?” Ginsberg wondered, speculating that Trump’s lawyers are trying to “appease their client” by filing the suits that have little prayer of succeeding because, “they don’t have instances of fraud or irregularities that are relevant.”

Another lawsuit in Michigan, filed by the conservative Great Lakes Justice Center on behalf of two Republican poll watchers, was rejected Friday by a state judge who found that the plaintiffs’ allegations of fraud were really an exercise in speculation fueled by unfamiliarity with the vote-counting process.

“Sinister, fraudulent motives were ascribed to the process and to the City of Detroit. Plaintiffs’ interpretation of events is incorrect and not credible,” wrote Chief Judge Timothy Kenny. “It would be an unprecedented exercise of judicial activism for this Court to stop the certification process of the Wayne County Board of Canvassers.”

Hours before, another Trump attorney dropped his star-crossed case in Arizona’s Maricopa County, where the campaign was pushing the so-called SharpieGate conspiracy theory, a bogus claim that ballots were spoiled because voters used a marker to bubble in their choice of candidates. During the hearing, Trump’s team abandoned mentioning the issue after elections officials made the case that it was an invalid argument.

Trump’s lawyer, Kory Langhofer, also admitted in court that some of the questionable affidavits in support of the suit were collected as part of an online evidence-gathering process that invited “spam.” He also used his business partner as a witness, called other witnesses who were unable to say they were disenfranchised and undercut Trump’s public messaging about fraud.

“This is not a fraud case,” Langhofer said in court. “It is not a stealing-the-election case.”

Similarly, in a Pennsylvania case, another Trump lawyer, Bob Goldstein, made it clear he was also not bringing a fraud claim because “accusing people of fraud is a pretty big step” that he wasn’t prepared to take.

Then, just before midnight Friday, Goldstein’s firm of Porter Wright Morris & Arthur dropped Trump’s campaign as a client, a rare move that underscores how fraught the quixotic case was for the firm’s reputation.

Barry Richard, a veteran election law attorney who also handled George W. Bush’s recount case in 2000, said the Trump campaign’s legal strategy looks amateurish and disjointed.

“This is just purely outlandish stuff,” Richard said. “But we have an outlandish president. So I guess this makes sense.”

He said Trump’s campaign faces a huge challenge. To succeed, he said, the president would have to show that fraud or irregularities not only existed, but in such a large amount that the election needed to be invalidated in the select state.

In an earlier Pennsylvania case where Trump’s team tried to stop ballot-counting, the president’s lawyers were forced to admit that a “nonzero number of” Republican observers were allowed to witness ballot counting, contrary to false claims made outside the courtroom that no Republican observers were present. The judge reminded Trump’s lawyers they have a “duty of candor” in court.

Another recently filed Pennsylvania case argues that it will provide data-based “analytical evidence of illegal voting” at a future date. A newly filed Wisconsin case references “fraud” 31 times, but only to point out fraud in other places and races and provides no evidence of it happening in the state for this election.

In Montana, federal Judge Dana Christensen had harsher words for yet another team of Trump lawyers who were trying to stop mail-in voting in October when he called the claims widespread voter fraud “fiction.” And two days after the election in Michigan, federal Judge Cynthia Stephens rejected yet another lawsuit.

“Come on, now!” she admonished the lawyers at one point during a hearing. In her opinion, she referred to the campaign’s argument as “inadmissible hearsay within hearsay.”

The courts have been unsympathetic to the conspiracy theories and lack of evidence presented in Nevada, where judges all the way to the state supreme court have swiftly rejected Trump campaign arguments. A GOP-produced list of allegedly illegal voters in the state turned out to be legal voters who were soldiers, sailors and their spouses stationed elsewhere. A Nevada woman’s claim of voter fraud also proved so meritless that a federal judge rejected another Trump lawsuit.

On Friday, the Trump campaign dropped its ballot-counting lawsuit in Nevada.

In Georgia’s Chatham County, a lack of documentation of wrongdoing led a state court judge to say last week there was “no evidence” to support a Trump lawsuit challenging the counting and handling of mail-in ballots.

Advertisement
Yet for all of this, Trump’s campaign and his supporters are continuing to push on with more lawsuits, leading veteran election law lawyers like Kenneth Gross to speculate that he’s using the lawsuits to raise money or process the grief of his loss.

“There are all these stages of grief — anger, denial, bargaining etc. — and it seems to me he’s experiencing all of them simultaneously instead of linearly, except for acceptance,” Gross said. “Keeping multiple balls in the air that we know are not going to land in a good place could be partially to assuage his psychological issues of getting over the loss of this and giving his fans some thin reed of hope. But they’re being misled.”

LEGAL

Another law firm bails out on Trump campaign
BY JOSH GERSTEIN

Gross said the lawsuits are so groundless that the lawyers are more likely to be sanctioned for pursuing them than to succeed in court.

J.C. Planas, a former Republican lawyer and lawmaker from Florida who used to represent GOP candidates in election-law cases, said he can only speculate that Trump is holding out hope that he can pressure Republican legislators in other states to appoint their own electors and ignore the will of voters.

“The strategy is to pull a Jedi mind trick on legislators in these states to appoint their own pro-Trump electors,” Planas said. “In one respect, he’s succeeded because something like 70 percent of Trumpers say the election wasn’t fair.”

Outside the court, where the rules of evidence don’t apply and there is no threat of judicial sanction, Trump lawyer Rudy Giuliani last week alleged wrongdoing and fraud and promised multiple lawsuits. Biden’s chief legal counsel, Bob Bauer, ribbed the Trump legal team for their spurious claims and even for Giuliani’s widely mocked press conference at a landscaping company in an industrial park on the outskirts of Philadelphia.

“It’s one thing for Rudy Giuliani to go out into the parking lot, sandwiched between a sex shop and a crematorium, and make the claims he made,” Bauer said. “It’s another thing to be a lawyer in a courtroom and have your claims tested.”

Despite the numerous setbacks in battleground states, Trump campaign spokesman Tim Murtaugh insisted the campaign had a “methodical” approach that will result in victory.

“Over 72 million people now have voted for President Trump and those Americans deserve to know that this election was free, fair, safe and secure, and they deserve to know that every legal vote is counted and that every illegal vote is not counted,” Murtaugh said in a conference call about the lawsuits Thursday night. “You simply cannot ignore the very real evidence of irregularities.”

Trump has slowly reemerged in the press after days of public silence.
Law firms representing the president in his fight to challenge the election results have come under fire in recent days

MOST READ
Another law firm bails out on Trump campaign
Alito’s politically charged address draws heat
Navarro: White House’s operating ‘assumption is a second Trump term’
Trump’s Crazy and Confoundingly Successful Conspiracy Theory
Elissa Slotkin Braces for a Democratic Civil War

© 2020 POLITICO LLC

"

The New York Times

Trump Loses String of Election Lawsuits, Leaving Few Vehicles to Fight His Defeat
The president’s efforts to use the courts to delay or block President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory were turned aside in cases in Pennsylvania, Michigan and Arizona.

Nov. 13, 2020

President Trump suffered multiple legal setbacks in three key swing states on Friday, choking off many of his last-ditch efforts to use the courts to delay or block President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr.’s victory.

In quick succession, Mr. Trump was handed defeats in Pennsylvania, Arizona and Michigan, where a state judge in Detroit rejected an unusual Republican attempt to halt the certification of the vote in Wayne County pending an audit of the count.

The legal losses came as Mr. Biden was declared the victor in Georgia and a day after an agency in the president’s own Department of Homeland Security flatly contradicted him by declaring that the election “was the most secure in American history” and that “there is no evidence” any voting systems malfunctioned.

On Friday, 16 federal prosecutors who had been assigned to monitor the election also directly debunked claims of widespread fraud, saying in a letter to Attorney General William P. Barr that there was no evidence of substantial irregularities.

In his first public remarks of the week, Mr. Trump ignored the developments during an appearance in the Rose Garden. But he showed a momentary crack in his previously relentless insistence that he would eventually be proclaimed the winner of the campaign, saying at one point, “Whatever happens in the future, who knows, which administration, I guess time will tell.”

Mr. Trump’s bad day at the bar began at dawn when news emerged that lawyers from the Ohio-based law firm Porter Wright Morris & Arthur had abruptly withdrawn from a federal lawsuit they had filed only days earlier on his behalf in Pennsylvania. The firm’s withdrawal followed internal tensions at the firm about its work for Mr. Trump and concerns by some lawyers that Porter Wright was being used to undercut the integrity of the electoral process.

Then, shortly after noon, a lawyer for the Trump campaign effectively dropped its so-called Sharpiegate lawsuit in Arizona. That lawsuit had claimed that some ballots cast for Mr. Trump were invalidated after voters in Maricopa County had used Sharpie pens, causing “ink bleeds.” The lawyer, Kory Langhofer, acknowledged that not enough presidential votes were at stake in the case to affect the outcome of the race.

The lawsuit, which stemmed from a viral rumor that falsely claimed Arizona’s voting machines were incapable of tabulating ballots filled out with Sharpies, was already on the rocks. At a hearing on Thursday, Mr. Langhofer told the court that the county’s vote count had been affected merely by “good-faith errors,” not by fraud, as Mr. Trump has been claiming for days.

“We are not saying anyone is trying to steal the election,” Mr. Langhofer said.

With victories in Arizona and Georgia, Mr. Biden has matched the 306 electoral votes that Mr. Trump racked up four years ago. Mr. Biden was declared the winner of Arizona’s 11 electoral votes on Thursday night after he finished more than 11,000 votes ahead of Mr. Trump. At the court hearing earlier that day, a Maricopa County elections official testified that only 191 presidential votes in the county might have been affected by Mr. Langhofer’s suit.

Around 2 p.m. Friday, the state court judge in Michigan, Timothy M. Kenny, dealt Mr. Trump another blow by denying an emergency motion filed by two Republican poll workers who had asked him to halt the certification of the vote in Wayne County — home to Detroit — pending an audit of the count. States have to certify the results of the election — confirming that the vote tabulation was accurate — in order to apportion their Electoral College votes.

Election 2020 ›

Election officials directly contradict Trump on voting system fraud.
With Biden ahead by 14,000 votes, Georgia will begin recount on Friday.
Progressives are pressing Biden to limit corporate influence in his administration.
The ruling by Judge Kenny meant that the formal completion of the vote in Wayne County — and the broader vote in Michigan — could continue on pace. Some legal scholars have suggested that delaying certification of the vote in key states is part of a last-ditch strategy by the Trump campaign to throw the election to Republican-led state legislatures.

At a hearing this week in Detroit, lawyers for the city had asked Judge Kenny not to delay certification out of concern about this gambit. In his ruling, the judge noted that the audit requested by the two Republican plaintiffs, Cheryl Costantino and Edward McCall, would have been “unwieldy” and forced the rest of Michigan to wait.

“It would be an unprecedented exercise of judicial activism for this court to stop the certification process,” Judge Kenny added.

In a lawsuit filed last week, Ms. Costantino and Mr. McCall had made wide-ranging claims of irregularities during the vote count at Detroit’s TCF Convention Center.

They charged that some poll workers in the heavily Democratic city were coaching voters to cast their ballots for Mr. Biden, that some Republican poll challengers were not given adequate access to monitor the vote count, and that loads of ballots were improperly brought into the convention center in the middle of the night.

Lawyers for Detroit and for the Michigan Democratic Party had argued in court papers that about 100 Republican poll challengers had in fact been let into the convention center, but that some were not allowed to return after leaving once the room filled up.

Judge Kenny wrote that while he took some of these accusations seriously, some were too general to be proved and others were “rife with speculation and guesswork.”

He dismissed an affidavit by one Republican poll observer charging that computers at the convention center had been improperly connected to the internet, noting that the observer’s credibility was suspect: Before the election, the observer had posted on Facebook that the Democrats were using the coronavirus crisis as “a cover for Election Day fraud.”

In between the events in Arizona and Michigan, another court, the United States Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, in Philadelphia, handed the president another defeat.

The court upheld Pennsylvania’s three-day extension for the deadline to accept mail-in ballots, against which the Trump campaign has vociferously fought. The Pennsylvania Supreme Court had already issued a similar decision, and the U.S. Supreme Court refused to accept Mr. Trump’s attempt to challenge it.

As the president was speaking in the Rose Garden, Marc E. Elias, a lawyer who has handled several election cases on behalf of the Democrats, wrote on Twitter: “Another Friday afternoon with more good news coming from the courts.”

That turned out to be two more victories in Pennsylvania.

In one, a Montgomery County Common Pleas Court denied the Trump campaign’s request to invalidate a batch of mail-in ballots. In the other, a Philadelphia County Common Pleas Court rejected the campaign’s appeal seeking to invalidate five more batches of mail-in ballots.

The total number of ballots at stake in the two decisions: 8,927.

Mr. Trump was not ready to give up. He posted on Twitter on Friday evening that he would win in Pennsylvania, making a baseless assertion about vote counting in Philadelphia and Pittsburgh.

With the legal fight not going well, the president put his personal lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, in charge of his campaign lawsuits related to the outcome of the election, as well as all public communications related to them, four people familiar with the move said.

Mr. Trump has been trying every possible option to change the outcome and has been trying to get what he sees as “fighters” making his case, often conflating a media strategy with a legal one.

But the involvement of Mr. Giuliani, who held a widely mocked news conference last weekend in front of a landscaping company in Philadelphia in which he claimed widespread fraud, has vexed people on the campaign and in the White House.

The Trump campaign and its proxies still have some cases working their ways through the courts, including one in Federal District Court in Grand Rapids, Mich., that closely mirrors the Michigan state case that Judge Kenny ended on Friday.

A lawsuit seeking to delay certification of the vote in several counties in Wisconsin was filed on Thursday in Federal District Court in Green Bay. On Tuesday, a federal judge in Williamsport, Pa., will hear arguments in a lawsuit that seeks to halt the certification of the vote in several counties in that state.

Trump Floats Improbable Survival Scenarios

© 2020 The New York Times Company

&&&&&& && &&&&& & &&&

The electoral college has slim chance of overturning election

"

The Electoral College is not going to give Trump a second term
Opinion by Robert Alexander
Updated 12:59 PM EST, Sat November 14, 2020

Editor’s Note: (Robert Alexander is a professor of political science and founding director of the Institute for Civics and Public Policy at Ohio Northern University. He is also the author of “Representation and the Electoral College.” Follow him on Twitter: @onuprof. The opinions expressed in this commentary are his own. View more opinion at CNN.)

(CNN)Four years ago in this space, I swatted down the idea that so-called “faithless electors” would deny Donald Trump the presidency when electors met to cast their votes for president and vice president in late December of that year. Instead, I predicted that while we would likely see a large number of faithless electors – electors who vote contrary to expectations – they would mostly be Democrats and they would have little effect upon Trump’s chances for victory. We did indeed witness a record number of faithless votes. Most were indeed cast by Democrats and they did little to change the final outcome.

Spurred by these events, the Supreme Court decided this summer in Chiafalo v. Washington that states could bind electors to the will of the voters in their states. Although 33 states and the District of Columbia have some form of binding law, just 14 states (representing 121 electoral votes) have laws providing for the cancellation of a faithless vote if an elector breaks his or her pledge. This leaves 417 electors who could go rogue without any means to cancel their vote. Many are now wondering whether electors could provide a means for Donald Trump to win a second term.

Thanks to tweets and retweets from conservative radio host Mark Levin and President Trump’s son, Donald Trump Jr., there are a number of scenarios that have Democrats concerned that the Electoral College could undo the results of the November 3 election. One scenario is that state legislatures could choose their own slate of electors, which could give Donald Trump the 270 electoral votes he would need to win a majority in the Electoral College. Another scenario is that “faithless electors” could flip from Biden to Trump, providing him those 270 electoral votes — and a second term.

Having studied the Electoral College for nearly two decades, I’m here to tell you that neither of these scenarios will happen.

First, it is true that state legislatures have the power to determine how electors are appointed and all states made those determinations in advance of the November election. As they have for nearly 150 years, all states chose to have electors selected directly by the voters in their respective states. This is what occurred on Election Day when over 150 million Americans voted for electors pledged to support Donald Trump or Joe Biden. State legislatures, then, have already done their job by choosing how electors would be selected. The voters then chose electors and it is now up to state executive officials to certify those votes. The Electoral Count Act of 1887 clearly indicates that states cannot change the rules after the election has been held. If in the future a state legislature would like to have the authority to directly select electors for their state, they are free to pass that legislation. However, I suspect no state would be willing to take that leap for 2024.

Second, although faithless electors have existed throughout our nation’s history — including a record number in 2016 — the chances of Democratic electors bolting from the Biden campaign are virtually nonexistent. Having surveyed electors from each of the past five presidential elections, it is clear to me that they represent some of the most partisan individuals in American politics. They are chosen for their party loyalty, and in the case of Democratic electors the thought of a Trump presidency is a nonstarter. Throughout history, only one elector (in 1796) ever voted for the opponent of their party’s ticket. And while I have found a surprising number of electors do consider casting rogue votes, few ultimately choose to do so.

Trump hangs over Obama's memoir like an onrushing train
Trump hangs over Obama’s memoir like an onrushing train
The fact that this type of chicanery is possible at all creates needless uncertainty, intrigue, and questions of legitimacy. This is especially concerning in an election where a majority of Americans voted for the winning candidate — a candidate who is on pace to win the largest share of the national popular vote in three decades, save the elections of Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012.

Although proponents of the Electoral College claim that it helps bestow legitimacy on a winning candidate in close elections, we see the opposite in this case. The uncertainty created by talk of state legislatures seating their own electors as well as the prospect of faithless votes provides fertile ground for conspiracies from both the right and the left about what could happen when members of the Electoral College meet.

These backdoor Electoral College scenarios are not without precedent. In 1960, an effort was undertaken within the Electoral College to deny John F. Kennedy the presidency by throwing the contest not to his Republican opponent, Richard Nixon, but to Southern Democrat Harry Byrd. While there was interest in the plan, only Henry Irwin, a Republican from Oklahoma, cast a faithless vote for Byrd.

In 1976, Jimmy Carter won a very close contest over Gerald Ford. A change in just over 5,000 votes in Ohio and 3,000 votes in Hawaii would have given the election to Ford with exactly 270 electoral votes. After the election, Ford’s running mate, Bob Dole, told the Senate Judiciary Committee that the Ford-Dole campaign actively sought to influence Democrat electors to switch to their votes. “We were shopping – not shopping, excuse me – looking around for electors.” He added that, “It just seems to me that the temptation is there for that elector in a very tight race to really negotiate quite a bunch.”

My own research on electors finds that they are regularly lobbied to change their votes and many consider doing so. In 2008, I found that 83% of electors were contacted and urged to not vote for Barack Obama, in spite of the fact that nearly 10 million more people voted for him and he earned a commanding Electoral College victory over John McCain 365-173. These Electoral College lobbyists argued that Obama was ineligible to serve as president because they falsely claimed he was not born in the United States. These baseless “birther” accusations were frequently stoked by the likes of Donald Trump throughout Obama’s presidency. Ultimately, no electors defected.

Just like after Watergate, post-Trump era requires reforms to hold presidents accountable
Just like after Watergate, post-Trump era requires reforms to hold presidents accountable
The current talk about the Electoral College salvaging the presidency for Trump is reminiscent of efforts to deny him the presidency just four years ago. While discussion today centers on claims of voter fraud, four years ago the focus was on Trump’s character, his failure to win the national popular vote, and concerns over Russian interference in the election. There was a public campaign in the form of a petition signed by millions including Lady Gaga and Pink. Additionally, a skit airing on Saturday Night Live memorably called on electors to flip their votes. These efforts had some effect, as my research found that every single Republican elector responding to my survey was contacted to change their vote and 85% of Democrats were too.

There was yet another campaign that took place within the Electoral College to dump Trump. It was led by Bret Chiafalo and Michael Baca in 2016. The so-called “Hamilton elector” movement encouraged fellow electors to band together to select a Republican unity candidate. They drew upon Hamilton’s vision of independent and wise electors who were to be those citizens “most likely to possess the information and discernment requisite to such complicated investigations.” They argued that Trump was unfit for office and hoped that at least 37 Republican electors would join their cause to deny Trump a majority of Electoral College votes.

Although 20% of Republican electors responding to my 2016 survey considered casting rogue votes against Trump, just two decided to cast faithless votes – both for fellow Republicans (John Kasich and Ron Paul).

I am sure that Democratic members of the 2020 Electoral College will face immense pressure to change their votes, but I suspect virtually all will remain steadfast and loyal to the Biden-Harris ticket. Still, Sen. Henry Cabot Lodge Jr.'s observation in 1949 about the potential harm of electors persists. He warned that electors “are like the appendix in the human body. While it does no good and ordinarily causes no trouble, it continually exposes the body to the danger of political peritonitis.”

It is my hope that all states will minimize the danger and adopt appropriate binding laws to remove any doubt that electors could change the outcome when the country casts its ballots four years from now. Until then, we should take some comfort in the view of electors offered by Justice Robert Jackson in Ray v. Blair (1952): “They [electors] always voted at their party’s call and never thought of thinking for themselves at all.”

While I have found a surprising number of wavering electors in past elections, most all follow the will of the people in their states and I expect that is exactly what will occur this December.

An earlier version of this article incorrectly attributed a quote to Henry Cabot Lodge, instead of Henry Cabot Lodge Jr. The quote is from 1949, not 1999.

© 2020 Cable News Network. A Warner Media Company. All Rights Reserved.

"
POLITICO

2020 ELECTIONS

MAGA protesters cheer Trump motorcade drive-by
Hundreds of Trump loyalists converged on the nation’s capital to protest the election results and falsely assert the vote was stolen.

By ASSOCIATED PRESS

11/14/2020 01:19 PM EST

President Donald Trump delighted supporters gathered near the White House on Saturday with a slow motorcade drive-by through downtown Washington on the way to his Virginia golf club.

A week after the presidential race was called for Democrat Joe Biden, hundreds of Trump loyalists converged on the nation’s capital to protest the election results and falsely assert the vote was stolen.

Trump persists with his claims and complaints even though a broad coalition of top government and industry officials has declared that the Nov. 3 voting and the following count unfolded smoothly with no more than the usual minor hiccups — “the most secure in American history,” they said, repudiating his efforts to undermine the integrity of the contest.

The crowd cheered as Trump’s limousine neared and people lined both sides of the street. Some stood just a few feet away from Trump’s vehicle; others showed their enthusiasm by running along with the caravan.

They chanted “USA, USA” and “four more years,” and many carried American flags and signs to show their displeasure with the vote tally. After a slow drive around Freedom Plaza, where the pro-Trump rallies began, the motorcade headed to the president’s club.

The “Million MAGA March” was heavily promoted on social media, raising concerns that it could spark conflict with anti-Trump demonstrators, who have gathered near the White House in Black Lives Matter Plaza for weeks.

In preparation, police closed off wide swaths of downtown, where many stores and offices have been boarded up since Election Day. Chris Rodriguez, director of the city’s Homeland Security and Emergency Management Agency, said the police were experienced at keeping the peace.

“People who come to the District know that you can’t bring weapons to our city and that violence will not be tolerated,” Rodriguez said.

The issues that Trump’s campaign and its allies have pointed to are typical in every election: problems with signatures, secrecy envelops and postal marks on mail-in ballots, as well as the potential for a small number of ballots miscast or lost. With Biden leading Trump by wide margins in key battleground states, none of those issues would have any impact on the outcome of the election.

Trump’s campaign has also filed legal challenges complaining that their poll watchers were unable to scrutinize the voting process. Many of those challenges have been tossed out by judges, some within hours of their filing.

© 2020 POLITICO LLC

David Parkman reports the brute fact that Trump’s debts may top 1 billion, and he will be a financial mess when he leaves the White House, and all his golf courses are failing because he lost public respect for his brand. While all of his " apprantice money is gone.

There was a violent clash between pro Trump and their opposite counterpadts, leading to arrests.

"≡
TheHill

NEWS
November 15, 2020 - 12:01 AM EST

Violence erupts between counter-protestors, Trump supporters following DC rally

Supporters of President Trump and counter-demonstrators clashed Saturday night after what was mostly a peaceful day of demonstrations in support of Trump and protesting the election results.

Violent clashes between Trump supporters and counter-protestors that were caught on tape by The Washington Post showed members from both sides lunging at one another. Objects can be seen in the footage being thrown in the air, and people are punching one another.

Video caught by NBC4 reporter Shomari Stone shows several encounters between the two sides, including a Trump supporter getting pushed after he bumped up against a group of counter-protesters while holding a flag.

Another clip in Stone’s video shows demonstrators jawing at one another while a police officer stands between them.

Separate footage from Stone shows counter-demonstrators clashing with the president’s supporters outside White House when someone set off fireworks. The same video shows officers in masks pushing back a crowd trying to confront Trump supporters.

A group of people also gathered near Freedom Plaza chanting “U-S-A,” according to footage from WUSA 9 reporter Kolbie Satterfield. A report from the media outlet noted that there were flash bangs as well as fire works that went off in the area as well.

Amid the tumult, DC Police made 20 arrests on Saturday, and two officers were injured, according to Satterfield.

Trump on Saturday night weighed in on the situation, accusing DC Mayor Muriel Bowser (D) of not doing her job.

“Radical Left ANTIFA SCUM was easily rebuffed today by the big D.C. MAGA Rally crowd, only to return at night, after 99% of the crowd had left, to assault elderly people and families,” he tweeted.

“Police got there, but late. Mayor is not doing her job!”

The violence erupted after what had proven to be a mostly peaceful day of demonstrations in D.C.

A flood of Trump supporters made their way into the nation’s capital to take part in what was billed under many names including the Million MAGA March and Stop the Steal DC, and started off at the Freedom Plaza around noon.

Women for America First, a group led by former Tea Party activist Amy Kremer organized the event at Freedom Plaza, where a mix of right-wing groups including the Proud Boys as well as a smattering of the president’s supporters gathered.

Most demonstrators carried signs or wore shirts alleging that there was widespread voter fraud that negatively impacted the results for Trump.

Speakers at the event like Infowars host Alex Jones encouraged the crowd not to give up hope on the election results.

“It will be weeks, maybe months, but we will stick with this president, Donald J. Trump,” Jones said.

The event came one week after President-elect Joe Biden was projected to win the 2020 election. The former vice president was also projected to win the states of Arizona and Georgia, two states that have gone red during presidential elections since the 1990s.

The president however has refused to concede the election, with his campaign mounting legal battles in multiple swing states throughout the country. Trump and his campaign have repeatedly alleged that the election was subject to widespread voter fraud, and have made claims that Democrats have tried to steal the election.

Despite Trump’s claims about voter fraud, there is no substantial evidence to suggest that the election was subject to irregularities.

A coalition of state and federal election officials on Thursday released a statement saying that there was “no evidence” that any voting system was compromised or votes lost during the recent general election. They added that this was the most secure election in American history.

Saturday morning, the president drove by a crowd of protesters waving from the car window as the crowd cheered him on. Later in the day, the president offered encouragement to supporters by retweeting a scene of the protest and writing, “We will win!”

Thousands rally in DC to protest election results, show support for Trump
38 percent of Americans planning on having Thanksgiving dinner with 10 or more people
Thousands flock to DC for pro-Trump rally
Trump drives by supporters at DC march
Cindy McCain says late husband would have wanted country to ‘move on’ from election …

The Hill 1625 K Street, NW Suite 900 Washington DC 20006 | 202-628-8500 tel | 202-628-8503 fax

The contents of this site are ©2020 Capitol Hill Publishing Corp., a subsidiary of News Communications, Inc.

Obama says he’s ‘troubled’ GOP backs Trump refusal to concede

Donald Trump says Joe Biden ‘won’ election, then backtracks and says he won’t concede

DAVID JACKSON | USA TODAY | 34 minutes ago

The admission on Twitter was quickly followed up with a tweet doubling down that he was not actually conceding.
USA TODAY, WOCHIT
WASHINGTON – President Donald Trump acknowledged for the first time Sunday that Joe Biden won the presidential election, even as he repeated false claims that Democrats “rigged” the balloting and again refused to concede the race.

“He won because the Election was Rigged,” Trump tweeted early Sunday, referring to Biden. His assertion about election malfeasance was at odds with a finding from a national coalition of election security officials, which concluded that the Nov. 3 general election was “the most secure in American history.”

“There is no evidence that any voting system deleted or lost votes, changed votes, or was in any way compromised,” said a statement from the security group, which included the cybersecurity agency within Trump’s own Department of Homeland Security, along with the National Association of State Election Directors.

Trump later tweeted of President-elect Biden: “he only won in the eyes of the FAKE NEWS MEDIA. I concede NOTHING! We have a long way to go.”

Biden defeated Trump in a series of crucial battleground states, including Pennsylvania, Arizona, Wisconsin and Michigan, achieving the 270 Electoral College votes needed to win the presidential race with room to spare.

He leads Trump in the popular vote by more than 5 million votes, or 3.6 percentage points.

Will Trump remain the GOP kingmaker? Trump wants to run the Republican party even if he leaves office. Can he?

President Donald Trump waves to supporters from his motorcade as people gather for a march Saturday, Nov. 14, 2020, in Washington.
JULIO CORTEZ, AP
Trump’s campaign and its allies have filed lawsuits that aim to delay the certification of the results in some of the states that Biden won. But his team has offered no evidence of widespread fraud, and many of the lawsuits have been rejected by the courts.

Legal experts have said Trump’s challenges are almost certain to fail.

Meanwhile, Trump has blocked federal resources for Biden’s transition team and has refused to allow the president-elect access to high-level classified briefings. Incoming presidents typically have access to those assessments, so they can be prepared to deal with any national security threats on Day One.

Several GOP senators have urged Trump to allow the briefings.

Re-tweeting commentary from Fox News host Jesse Waters, Trump repeated false claims that Republican election observers not allowed to watch the vote count (they were). He again decried alleged media bias, and he revived a discredited claim that a company behind the vote tabulation in some states contributed to his loss to Biden.

More: Trump campaign’s challenge of election results in Pennsylvania, Michigan and Arizona push US toward ‘loss of democracy’

MAGA supporters gather in DC: Tens of thousands rally in DC to support outgoing President Trump

Thousands of President Trump supporters joined together for the ‘Million MAGA March’
USA TODAY
Trump’s former national security adviser, John Bolton, said Sunday that Trump’s refusal to concede was harmful to the country.

“Every day that he delays … ultimately is to the country’s disadvantage,” Bolton said on ABC’s “This Week.”

As recently as last week, some of Trump’s top aides were continuing to insist that the president won a second term, despite the results.

White House press secretary Kayleigh McEnany answered a question about whether Trump would attend Biden’s inauguration by saying that Trump will attend “his own inauguration.”

On Tuesday, Secretary of State Mike Pompeo falsely claimed Trump won a second term, saying there would be a “smooth transition to a second Trump administration.”

Biden’s aides welcomed Trump’s seeming acknowledgement Sunday of the president-elect’s win, but added that they want him to authorize the transition.

“I accept it as a further confirmation of the reality that Joe Biden won the election," said incoming White House Chief of Staff Ron Klain on NBC’s “Meet The Press.”

Trump aides said that he was mocking the idea of a Biden victory, and that he still expects to prevail after a series of lawsuits, recounts and election challenges.

“The president was referring to the mindset of the media,” said Tim Murtaugh, a campaign spokesman. "His goal remains to un-rig the election and continue exposing voting irregularities and unconstitutional election management by Democratic officials.”

© Copyright Gannett 2020

youtu.be/vCu0VJYMbiA

      >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>         
                      >>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>>

:

The New York Times
The Presidential Transition

Trump, Trying to Cling to Power, Fans Unrest and Conspiracy Theories

The president’s refusal to concede has entered a more dangerous phase as he blocks his successor’s transition, withholding intelligence briefings, pandemic information and access to the government.

Image
President Trump waved to his supporters at a demonstration near the White House on Saturday. Pockets of violence broke out that night as they clashed with anti-Trump protesters.
President Trump waved to his supporters at a demonstration near the White House on Saturday. Pockets of violence broke out that night as they clashed with anti-Trump protesters.Credit…Kenny

Updated Nov. 16, 2020, 11:34 a.m. ET
WASHINGTON — President Trump’s refusal to concede the election has entered a more dangerous phase as he stokes resistance and unrest among his supporters and spreads falsehoods aimed at undermining the integrity of the American voting system.

More than a week after President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr. was declared the winner, Mr. Trump continues to block his successor’s transition, withholding intelligence briefings, critical information about the coronavirus pandemic and access to the vast machinery of government that Mr. Biden will soon oversee.

Some former top advisers to Mr. Trump have said that his refusal to cooperate is reckless and unwise. John F. Kelly, Mr. Trump’s former chief of staff, called it “crazy” on Friday. John R. Bolton, the president’s former national security adviser who wrote a scathing memoir about his time in the administration, said the refusal “harms the country.”

“Every day that he delays under the pretense that he’s simply asking for his legal remedies ultimately is to the country’s disadvantage,” Mr. Bolton said on ABC’s “This Week” program on Sunday morning.

The president’s attempt to cling to power played out against a backdrop of protests by Trump supporters and opponents late Saturday, with sporadic clashes near the White House. The police arrested 21 people as one protester was stabbed and four officers were injured. Rather than seek to calm tensions, Mr. Trump lashed out.

“ANTIFA SCUM ran for the hills,” he posted on Twitter on Saturday as he urged the police to move in aggressively. “DC Police, get going — do your job and don’t hold back!!!”

By Sunday morning, the president seemed to briefly acknowledge defeat, but he quickly reversed himself, declaring “I concede NOTHING!” He repeated lies about the vote-counting process, falsely insisting that Mr. Biden’s victory was the result of a “RIGGED ELECTION” orchestrated by the “Fake & Silent” news media.

Facing his final 66 days in office, Mr. Trump appears unwilling to break from the gut instincts that have guided his pursuit of the presidency and his exercise of authority in the past five-and-a-half years: a fierce determination to act only in his self-interest and a near-total refusal to accept blame or responsibility for his failures.

As the total number of coronavirus cases in the United States soared past 11 million and deaths neared 250,000, Dr. Anthony S. Fauci, the nation’s top infectious disease specialist, warned that 200,000 more people could die by spring if Americans did not more fully embrace public health measures, even with an effective vaccine.

“We are not going to turn it on and off, going from where we are to completely normal,” Dr. Fauci said on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday, challenging Mr. Trump’s claims that the virus would go away quickly once a vaccine was ready. “It’s going to be a gradual accrual of more normality as the weeks and the months go by, as we get well into 2021.”

Dr. Fauci said health officials had not begun working with Mr. Biden’s transition team. He also said the president had not attended a meeting of his coronavirus task force in “several months,” vanishing from participation in the panel.

But anyone hoping for a similarly quiet withdrawal from Mr. Trump as he leaves the presidency appears destined not to get it. He continues to deny facts and science in favor of baseless conspiracy theories and has moved aggressively to remove anyone he views as disloyal: a fact underscored by a purge of top officials at the Pentagon last week that was followed by an implicit rebuke by the military’s top general.

“We do not take an oath to a king or a queen, a tyrant or a dictator. We do not take an oath to an individual,” Gen. Mark A. Milley, the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, said in a speech on Wednesday. “We take an oath to the Constitution.”

The president’s desperate language as he tries without success to preserve his position stood in stark contrast with the disciplined silence from Mr. Biden, who spent Sunday morning at church services and later met behind closed doors with his transition advisers. Ron Klain, who will be Mr. Biden’s chief of staff, said on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that a concession tweet from the president was not necessary.

“Donald Trump’s Twitter feed doesn’t make Joe Biden president or not president,” Mr. Klain said. “The American people did that.”

Before going to play golf at his club in Virginia for the second day in a row on Sunday, the president once again lashed out at the news media and Mr. Biden’s supporters, retweeting reports of a university professor who said that anyone who voted for the Democrat was “ignorant, anti-American and anti-Christian.” In his tweet, Mr. Trump called that “Progress!”

He also continued to attack the election results, calling a hand recount underway in Georgia, a state he narrowly lost, “a scam.” Despite the president’s assertions, the recount, which is being conducted at the direction of a Republican secretary of state, appeared to be going smoothly, as about 50 of Georgia’s 159 counties had completed their new counts.

As Mr. Trump arrived at the golf course, dueling signs showed the deep rift in the country that he has sought to exploit with false allegations of vote-counting fraud since Nov. 7, when Mr. Biden was declared the winner. The president’s supporters at the entrance waved “TRUMP 2020” and “KEEP AMERICA GREAT” messages while protesters held signs saying, “SURRENDER DONNIE.”

The nation’s divisions were on grim display in the capital on Saturday night, when pockets of violence broke out between people rallying on behalf of Mr. Trump’s desire to stay in office and anti-Trump demonstrators. After a day in which thousands of the president’s supporters gathered mostly peacefully in support of his false election assertions, the scene turned darker as night fell.

Counterprotesters, including some from a group calling themselves Refuse Fascism, confronted Trump supporters. One threw bottles and fireworks, a USA Today reporter said. People backing the president at one point ripped “Black Lives Matter” signs off a building before trampling them on the ground.

“You could feel the intensity,” said Damien Courtney, 24, a Trump supporter from Tennessee. “It was nerve-racking.”

The rally on Saturday also prompted Kayleigh McEnany, the White House press secretary, to wildly exaggerate the size of the pro-Trump crowd. In a tweet from her personal account, she claimed that “more than one MILLION marchers for President @realDonaldTrump descend on the swamp in support.” In fact, the authorities estimated it was far short of her claims, which echoed the falsehoods that Sean Spicer, the president’s first press secretary, told about the inaugural crowd four years ago.

Former President Barack Obama warned in an interview that aired Sunday night that Mr. Trump’s willingness to spread misinformation about the election was hurting the country’s ability to conduct the basic functions of democracy.

“It’s very hard for our democracy to function if we are operating on just completely different sets of facts,” Mr. Obama said on CBS’s “60 Minutes.” “Any of us who attain an elected office — whether it’s dogcatcher or president — are servants of the people. It’s a temporary job. We’re not above the rules. We’re not above the law. That’s the essence of our democracy.”

Mr. Obama said he worried that many parts of what he called a “deeply divided” nation believed Mr. Trump’s falsehoods.

“The power of that alternative worldview that’s presented in the media that those voters consume, it carries a lot of weight,” Mr. Obama said.

Inside the West Wing, most of Mr. Trump’s top advisers have privately told him what is clear to everyone except his most loyal supporters and the Republican politicians who fear his wrath: His re-election bid has failed, and Mr. Biden will be inaugurated on Jan. 20.

A few Republicans have acknowledged that publicly. On Sunday, Gov. Asa Hutchinson of Arkansas joined their ranks, saying on NBC’s “Meet the Press” that he expected that Mr. Biden would be the next president and should have access to intelligence briefings.

But publicly, Mr. Trump’s aides and virtually all Republican lawmakers continued to stand by — or at least not challenge — his false assertions about the election.

The president’s supporters argued with counterprotesters near the White House

Rudolph W. Giuliani, Mr. Trump’s personal lawyer, has taken over the president’s legal fight to overturn the election results. In interviews on Sunday with Maria Bartiromo on Fox News, Mr. Giuliani and Sidney Powell, another member of the president’s legal team, floated false conspiracy theories that there was a sweeping effort to switch votes using specific software.

“President Trump won by not just hundreds of thousands of votes, but by millions of votes, that were shifted by this software that was designed expressly for that purpose,” Ms. Powell insisted. “We have so much evidence, I feel like it’s coming in through a fire hose.”

In fact, Mr. Biden leads in the popular vote by more than 5.5 million votes, a total that has climbed as states have continued counting.

At another point, Ms. Powell claimed that the C.I.A. had ignored complaints about the software, “which makes me wonder how much the C.I.A. has used it for its own benefit in different places.” She then urged Mr. Trump to fire Gina Haspel, the agency’s director.

Asked by Ms. Bartiromo whether the president was conceding the race, Mr. Giuliani said: “No, no, no, far from it. What he’s saying is more, I guess you’d call it sarcastic.” He added that “obviously he’s contested it vigorously.”

The president’s tweets about whether Mr. Biden had won the election came as Mr. Trump continued to spread misinformation about the vote-counting process.

His first tweet on Sunday came at 7:47. Referring to Mr. Biden, the president said that “he won” and claimed again that “all of the mechanical ‘glitches’ that took place on election night were really THEM getting caught trying to steal votes.” Twitter quickly labeled almost all of Mr. Trump’s posts on Sunday morning as “disputed.”

After a flurry of tweets and news reports about his “concession,” Mr. Trump insisted that he had been misunderstood.

At 9:16, he insisted: “RIGGED ELECTION. WE WILL WIN!”

The rapid flip-flop made clear that Mr. Trump was still refusing to abandon his false narrative about the vote being rigged and stolen that he has been spreading since Election Day, inflaming anger among his supporters about his defeat.

There was no indication that his tweet would immediately prompt the administrator of the General Services Administration to officially allow the Biden transition team to have access to the money and information they are due, which she has so far refused to do. Mr. Trump later retweeted a post by the administrator, Emily W. Murphy, on veteran-owned small businesses, adding, “Great job Emily!”

More in Politics

Credit…Chloe Cushman
When a Leader Just Won’t Go

Behind Trump’s Yearslong Effort to Turn Losing I
With Trench Warfare Deepening, Parties

© 2020 The New York Times Company


Subscribe
Sign In
up next
Trump’s latest election lawsuit is dead on arrival, legal experts…
‘100 percent dead’: Court ruling could torpedo some lawsuits challenging Trump’s loss
KEVIN MCCOY | USA TODAY | 2 hours ago

The admission on Twitter was quickly followed up with a tweet doubling down that he was not actually conceding.
USA TODAY, WOCHIT
A federal appeals court ruling may have torpedoed several federal lawsuits that seek to overturn President Donald Trump’s all-but-certified defeat by former Vice President Joe Biden.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit ruled Friday that Pennsylvania voters and a congressional candidate could not use certain constitutional arguments to back their claims that some voters were disadvantaged by changes to election rules spurred by the coronavirus pandemic and U.S. Postal System delays.

On Monday, Trump supporters who used similar constitutional arguments in federal lawsuits in Michigan, Pennsylvania, Georgia and Wisconsin voluntarily dismissed their claims.

The dismissals came in advance of Tuesday’s scheduled oral arguments in a federal lawsuit filed by the Trump campaign in Pennsylvania. On Sunday, attorneys for the campaign narrowed their legal arguments in that case to avoid running afoul of the appeals court ruling.

Although the revised complaint still argues 689,472 ballots were improperly processed and counted outside the view of Trump election watchers, it does not not seek legal relief specifically on that point.

Election workers count ballots at the Philadelphia Convention Center on November 06, 2020 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
Election workers count ballots at the Philadelphia Convention Center on November 06, 2020 in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania.
CHRIS MCGRATH, GETTY IMAGES
Some election law and constitutional law experts predict that case, too, is in trouble.

“Trump’s legal path to overturn the election results appears 100 percent dead,” Richard Hasen, an election and campaign law expert at the University of California, Irvine, School of Law wrote on his Election Law Blog on Monday.

Even if the Trump campaign succeeded in its slimmed-down arguments in the case to be argued Tuesday, "it does not involve enough ballots to call Pennsylvania’s election results into question,” Hasen said in an email to USA TODAY.

Biden led Trump by 67,353 votes in Pennsylvania as of Monday, according to Associated Press tallies.

The Trump campaign’s lawsuit seeks to delay Pennsylvania from certifying its election results. It asks the court to bar certification of results that include absentee and mail ballots that it claims were improperly “cured” of mistakes made by voters, without adequate oversight by Trump campaign monitors. It couldn’t be immediately determined how many ballots are in question.

From the beginning, legal experts said the case had no chance of success. Courts are reluctant to invalidate ballots cast by voters who relied on instructions from election boards, they said, and mail balloting is constitutional and common.

Analysis: Nine legal experts say Trump’s lawsuit challenging election results in Pennsylvania is dead on arrival

The Trump campaign’s arguments center on the Constitution’s equal protection clause, which requires “equal protection of the laws” for citizens. The pared-down complaint retains an argument based on the U.S. Supreme Court’s Bush v. Gore ruling that decided the 2000 presidential election.

Appeals court: Bush v. Gore ruling was limited to the 2000 election
The case that went before the appeals court was filed by Republican congressional candidate Jim Bognet and voters who alleged Pennsylvania’s three-day extension for mail and absentee ballots improperly allowed county election boards to accept ballots “that would otherwise be unlawful.”

What history has shown us about contested elections and peaceful transitions of power.
JUST THE FAQS, USA TODAY
An appeals court panel denied some of that suit’s constitutional arguments. The court said it did not review the Bush v. Gore decision in evaluating plaintiffs’ equal protection arguments because the Supreme Court said in that ruling it was “limited to the present circumstances” of that case.

“That is a bad sign” for the Pennsylvania case set for arguments on Tuesday, said Kermit Roosevelt, a professor of constitutional law at the University of Pennsylvania Law School in an email.

That case and others are among an explosion of election-related legal challenges that even before Election Day had topped the number of similar federal lawsuits filed during the three prior presidential elections, a USA TODAY analysis found.

Trump’s election challenges haven’t gone far
Trump’s efforts to challenge election results, partly based on allegations of ineligible votes and inadequate observer access to ballot counting, have largely failed. In Pennsylvania alone, Trump supporters have filed at least 15 legal challenges in an effort to reclaim the state’s 20 electoral votes, the Associated Press reported Friday.

Judges in Pennsylvania, Arizona, Michigan, Georgia, Wisconsin and Nevada, however, have quickly dispatched some of them. A few have been appealed.

On Friday, Pennsylvania courts dismissed six Trump campaign lawsuits that argued nearly 9,000 absentee ballots should be disqualified for violations of state election code requirements.

With the U.S. Capitol in the background, supporters of President Donald Trump rally in Washington.
JULIO CORTEZ, AP
Rival appeal petitions were filed over the weekend in those cases.

The four federal lawsuits voluntarily dismissed by voter plaintiffs on Monday in Michigan, Pennsylvania, Georgia and Wisconsin were linked to the law firm of conservative attorney James Bopp Jr. He is a legal consultant for Trump’s 2020 presidential election campaign.

The cases focused on alleged violations of the equal protection clause, as well as constitutional directives on elections and presidential electors. Each of the cases challenged election officials’ inclusion of “illegal presidential elector results in certain counties.”

Trump campaign alleged "two-tiered voting system in Pennsylvania
The Trump campaign’s case set for arguments on Tuesday initially alleged that Pennsylvania used an “illegal, two-tiered voting system” — in-person and mail ballots. It argued that ballots cast in person were devalued because of the extended deadline and a lack of oversight for mail and absentee ballots.

But after Friday’s appeals court ruling in the other case, Trump campaign lawyers scrapped most of the references to a “two-tiered” voting system, as well as constitutional arguments based on issues other than the equal protection clause.

The amended complaint alleges that Pennsylvania election officials in areas with heavy Democratic Party enrollment improperly enabled mail voters who had made technical mistakes on their ballots to “cure” the errors. Election officials in other areas of the state followed the law by not providing such assistance, the lawsuit charged.

A Phila. city commissioner says the ‘highest ethical standards’ were followed during the election and subsequent canvassing. Omar Sabir says he understands the Trump campaign filing lawsuits but feels 'America really needs healing" going forward. (Nov. 10)
AP
When the ballots were being counted, election officials in Democratic-majority areas “intentionally denied the Trump Campaign access to unobstructed observation … denying plaintiffs and the residents of Pennsylvania the equal protection of the law.”

Late Monday, the Trump campaign’s lawyers in the case were granted permission by the court to withdraw. They were the second set of lawyers to depart.

The campaign is now being represented by the Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, law firm of Marc Scaringi, whose biography on the firm’s website says he once worked as a part-time radio talk show host.

The Trump campaign asked U.S. District Court Judge Matthew Brann to delay Tuesday’s hearing. Brann denied the motion.

Originally Published 12 hours ago
Updated 2 hours ago
Subscribe Now – Get Your Offer
THE SHORT LIST NEWSLETTER
The news everyone’s talking about, delivered straight to your inbox.
Sign up now

Help • Terms of Service • Privacy Notice

Your California Privacy Notice

Mobile Apps • Ad Choices

© Copyright Gannett 2020

Don’t ignore Trump’s election mischief. Take it seriously

Updated 1:13 AM EST, Fri November 20, 2020
article video

(CNN)Until either President Donald Trump admits defeat and calls off his minions or the GOP admits his defeat and acknowledges that Joe Biden is the President-elect, you’ve still got to hold your breath a little bit.

That’s the truth, even though last desperate gasps of the Trump era increasingly bear one striking similarity to its origin: it all seems like a hopeless joke.

When the reality star descended his golden escalator at Trump Tower way back in 2015, his shock brand of race-baiting populism seemed like a futile attempt to make himself relevant and kickstart a flagging media career. The idea that he had a shot at becoming President of the United States seemed laughable.

But, dismissed by the media and ridiculed by fellow Republicans, Trump found a way to hopscotch from conspiracy theory to conspiracy theory all the way to the White House. And then nobody was laughing any more.

Now, it’s Trump remaining in office that seems impossible. Trump was clearly rejected by voters at the polls – nearly 6 million more people chose Biden – and his legal challenges in multiple states have all faltered.

But those lawsuits have had a very real effect, sowing or solidifying doubts in the minds of his supporters about the election results. Now, Republican officials in Michigan are buying into Trump’s alternate reality and want to rescind their certification of election results in Detroit. He’s apparently invited lawmakers from the state to the White House Friday.

And Rudy Giuliani is still ginning things up. On Thursday afternoon, Giuliani, hair dye dripping down his face, gave a wild press conference where he alleged a massive multi-state conspiracy to steal the election from the President. As evidence, he pointed to votes in Philadelphia, a barely concealed mimic of the Detroit complaint and a clear effort to disenfranchise voters in cities with large Black populations.

Here’s a fact check of Giuliani.

“That press conference was the most dangerous 1hr 45 minutes of television in American history. And possibly the craziest. If you don’t know what I’m talking about, you’re lucky,” said Chris Krebs, the DHS election security official recently fired by Trump, in a tweet.

The multi-pronged conspiracy is not millions more voters choosing Biden. It’s the expanding effort to overturn results in at least three states and undo a solid electoral defeat. It would be sad and funny if it weren’t quite literally about ignoring the voters to keep Trump in power.

And so it’s extremely distressing that Trump is on the phone with Republican officials who now say they want to rescind their certification of votes in Wayne County, which covers Detroit – a step that is normally just a technicality.

It’s also aggravating that a mid-level political appointee, GSA Administrator Emily Murphy, won’t take the next step – another technicality, “ascertainment” – needed to let Biden’s transition begin.

Anxiety is starting to rise in unexpected places. JP Morgan, for instance, is laying out the nightmare scenario for investors. As CNN’s Matt Egan wrote:

Much of Wall Street views the Trump campaign’s efforts to overturn the election results as a desperate sideshow destined to fail. But JPMorgan is telling clients there’s still a chance that this process descends into chaos. It is 2020, after all.

Michael Cembalest, chairman of market and investment strategy at JPMorgan Asset Management, warned in a report Wednesday of the “remote risk of an American horror story” and “constitutional mayhem.”

: Trust the votes
It was not that long ago that Utah Republican Sen. Mitt Romney was leading the GOP. Now he’s “shunned” by some, as he told David Axelrod in an Axe Files podcast released Thursday.

Most people seized on Romney’s comments about the consequences of Trump’s potential actions as a lame duck President.

Mistrust of democracy. But I heard Romney say something else that completely hits the mark:

“Both here and around the world we are seeing a reduction in the confidence people have in voting,” Romney said.

“And if people don’t believe in voting, and don’t have confidence in voting, how can you have democracy, because democracy is fundamentally based on people voting.”

“And if the United State of America doesn’t believe that we have voting that’s reliable, why, how can you expect a country that’s just becoming a democracy to adopt this practice and use it as a basis for determining its future.”

The counterargument to this is that the 2020 election, despite Trump’s silly allegations of rigging, drew a record number of voters. For now, at least, voters are voting. And that’s a good thing. Georgia’s hand recount of its election reaffirmed Biden’s victory over Trump and found no widespread voter fraud – just like we thought it would.

Paralyzed Senate. He also described how the Senate, which is necessary to pass any major legislation, votes on very little major legislation.

“Over the years the Senate has moved and moved to a point where I think there’s a reluctance to vote on things that might be bad votes for members of the majority’s party,” Romney said.

“As a result we don’t vote on much. Not either up or down, things we agree with, but if it’s bad for Senator X, Y or Z, why then we don’t want to take that vote. We vote very rarely on matters of substance. Just as a particular, I think in the two years I’ve been in the Senate, we haven’t had a single vote on a matter related to health care, immigration, tax policy, climate change, the list goes on.”

: Where schools are closed but restaurants are open
As more people around the country deal with new restrictions on schooling and movement, Greg Krieg writes about the special situation in New York City, where schools were shut after school ended Wednesday – so suddenly that kids left their textbooks in class. Some excerpts from Krieg:

Poor delivery. It is a demoralizing setback for a city that slowly re-opened after seeing more than 30,000 pandemic deaths and now faces a deadly winter surge of new Covid-19 infections. The news was delivered to principals by the city’s schools chancellor at around 2 p.m. on Wednesday, after hours of uncertainty, and set off a scramble among parents juggling child care needs and work responsibilities.

Conflicting standards. Part of the public confusion – and private differences – centered on how the city and state measure coronavirus test positivity rates. Some nine months into the pandemic, they are still employing different metrics to settle some of the most pressing issues facing New Yorkers.

Bars and gyms stay open! Frustration over the process and timing of the shutdown bubbled over almost immediately after the mayor, following hours of uncertainty, tweeted out his decision. That anger was compounded by the fact that city restaurants, bars and gyms – the places most experts say the virus is most apt to spread – remain open at limited capacities in accordance with guidelines set by the state.

: Now, reconsider Thanksgiving plans
The CDC has updated its guidance and now says you should really consider not traveling for Thanksgiving.

“The reason that we made the update is that the fact that over the week we’ve seen over a million new cases in the country,” Dr. Erin Sauber-Schatz, the CDC’s lead for Community Intervention and Critical Population Task Force, said during the briefing.

© 2020 Cable News Network. A Warner Media Company. All Rights Reserved.

Trump endgame risks national security: Schiff
OPINION
Trump history and behavior suggest destructive mental processes that put America at risk
Trump is not just a childish man having a tantrum or a selfish man who can’t accept defeat. His actions are dangerous to America’s health and security.

One of us is a psychiatrist, the other a political scientist. We have watched the fiasco since the election with mounting trepidation, from two very different perspectives. But we have a common bond: For more than a decade, each of us has worked to advocate for people with serious mental illness to get treatment. We are coming together now to advocate for immediate intervention for our president.

Since President Donald Trump’s election, the psychiatric community has debated calling out his illness(es). The American Psychiatric Association says we should remain silent out of fear that we would violate the Goldwater Rule — an APA rule adopted largely to prevent the partisan misuse of psychiatric diagnoses to unduly influence an election. But it is clear what many psychiatrists know privately, and a few have said publicly. The threat to our democracy is too great to remain silent.

Not just tantrums or selfishness
It may be no surprise that Trump railed against a 2020 election process that promised a major increase in turnout through early voting and voting by mail. He and many Republicans have advocated for ways to suppress votes, and suggested repeatedly that when everybody votes, Republicans lose. Remember, Trump had said before the 2016 election that if he lost, it was rigged; if he won, it was fair.

It also may be no surprise that Trump denied the outcome of the 2020 election in the days that followed it, despite the fact that President-elect Joe Biden’s margins in battlegrounds Michigan and Pennsylvania were larger than Trump’s four years ago and he flipped Arizona and Georgia to the Democratic column. And it is true that there is neither a legal nor constitutional requirement for a presidential candidate to concede when he has lost.

But Trump’s behavior since is antithetical to every norm we have in a democracy that values as much as anything the legitimacy of elections and the peaceful and orderly transfer of power after voters have spoken.

Trump supporter Tara Immen of Happy Valley, Ariz., protests at the Maricopa County Elections Department in Phoenix on Nov. 18, 2020.
ROSS D. FRANKLIN, AP
The president’s actions — ordering his minions to deny all the elements of a transition to the president-elect, including access to intelligence and pandemic briefings, access to agencies to plan the next administration, access to the FBI to begin security clearances for incoming appointees — are not just wrongheaded, they are dangerous to the security and health of the American people.

Biden’s top unification task:Expose every ounce of Trump team wrongdoing, restore trust in government

The president’s moves to fire key officials, including those in charge of the safety of our nuclear stockpile and those in charge of our national security, suggest that the loyalty test — loyalty to the president and not to the Constitution — is going to be applied more often, hollowing out our pandemic teams and intelligence and defense capabilities, and leaving in charge a group of sycophants willing to do his bidding in his remaining weeks in office. The fact that he has not attended a meeting on the pandemic in months and has barely mentioned it as it explodes across the country is another sign of alarm.

Many say that Trump’s refusal to agree to a peaceful and orderly concession is just a threat from a selfish man who can’t accept defeat. President-elect Biden calls Trump’s failure to concede an “embarrassment.” It is worse. When someone says they are planning their suicide, mental health professionals don’t call it a “cry for attention.” They hospitalize them immediately to prevent harm. When someone threatens homicide, violence or child abuse, we act swiftly to protect potential victims. It is naïve to consider the current acts of President Trump as childish tantrums and nothing more than fodder for late night comedians.

Signs of personality or mood disorder
To any first-year psychiatric resident, Trump’s sleepless nights filled with ranting tweets suggest irrational exuberance and lack of control, possibly a sign of a mood disorder called hypomania. His life-long history of disregard for others and deceit, if correct as reported, are characteristic of a personality disorder on the narcissistic and even sociopathic spectrum.

To be sure, definitive psychiatric diagnoses cannot be made without an in-person examination And certainly, psychiatric diagnoses themselves don’t make someone unfit to be president. But President Trump’s particular history and actions create a high index of suspicion for destructive mental processes which are putting the country and its safety and security in jeopardy.

Norman Ornstein: Donald Trump has lost to Joe Biden, what’s next? The presidential transition from hell.

If we had a functioning Republican Party, this would be the time either to pressure the president to resign early and let Vice President Mike Pence handle the remainder of the term (with the promise of a pardon to sweeten the deal) or to invoke the 25th Amendment. At minimum, we would hope that key figures, like Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, House Republican Leader Kevin McCarthy and other senior officials, would act to embrace the reality of the election outcome and put constraints on Trump to stop destructive acts. Instead, they are enabling his worst instincts and behaviors.

But it is important to at least call it out for what it is. Whatever President Trump does leading up to Jan. 20 — whether it is reckless actions abroad or lawless and destructive acts of commission or omission at home — it should be clear that these are not normal nor acceptable actions by an American president.

Dr. Kenneth Paul Rosenberg is a psychiatrist affiliated with Weill Cornell Medical Center. His award-winning 2019 documentary “Bedlam” chronicles the roots of the broken mental health system in America and was shown on PBS’ Independent Lens. Norman Ornstein (@normornstein) is a resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. His family foundation spearheaded “The Definition of Insanity,” a 2020 PBS documentary on the criminal justice system and how it deals with those with serious mental illness.

© Copyright Gannett 2020

If the Democrats cheated, that could be a sign of people, perceived by others or. themselves, as being so repressed and fractionally redirected, that in view of their rational conduct - they can justify any side’s method of proof

For the common good, all actions, even illegal ones have a method by which truth and falsity can intertwine hidden repressive intentions

The said thing is, at this point, both sides evolve a mutually extreme positions, simulating the biblical anachronism of eye for an eye.

They are on this lookout for idols, victims, or anyone who can model the idea, the idea that can counter some onset of symbolic reversal, with teeth in it- to mimic legitimate processes of interaction on very basic levels

Propaganda becomes the only means to achieve this

The charge, that at this level, the perceptions of victims, of testaments and judges , and those pervy to evidential proof, witnesses who can be bought for a price. ; begin to exhibit the meaner aspects of the dueling ideas of the basic premises

When will. debate achieve a set goal to overcome any and all competitive form of argument, including it’s own negative and absolute debunking , while this other way around, anything goes attitudes , when the adjudicants who can not fairly power the will , that the socially left behind , can represent.

This appearance of the nasty underbelly of political reality , always existing in an essentially divided binary form , have never
risen to the critical point to which , has previous to today,in recent modern political history. The whole process has underrated the quantum rate of change activated by post modern sentiment.

The structural stability of Democratic Capitalism has come under siege.
Do participants possess the will to acquire the power to sustain the Constitution foundation of the Bill of Rights, or does preemptive power has demolished the effort to understand the content of the power which has voided all possibility to connect with it’s own ground.

Mere circle jerk coiling of a snakepit of rhetoric, has been completely been argued it’s self into the pit.

>>>>>>  >> >>

"Federal judge dismisses Trump campaign Pennsylvania lawsuit
By Katelyn Polantz and Kevin Bohn, CNN
Updated 9:40 PM EST, Sat November 21, 2020
article video

(CNN)A federal judge dealt a death blow to the Trump campaign’s effort to overturn President-elect Joe Biden’s win of the presidency on Saturday, by dismissing a closely watched lawsuit that sought to invalidate millions of Pennsylvania votes.

“It is not in the power of this Court to violate the Constitution,” Judge Matthew Brann of the US District Court in the Middle District of Pennsylvania wrote on Saturday in a withering decision, hours after the final round of filings in the case came in. The judge wholeheartedly rejected the Trump campaign’s attempt to throw out the Pennsylvania vote, noting that Biden has won the state and results will be certified by state officials on Monday. Biden has a margin of more than 81,000 votes in the state.

“In the United States of America, this cannot justify the disenfranchisement of a single voter, let alone all the voters of its sixth most populated state. Our people, laws, and institutions demand more,” the judge wrote. “At bottom, Plaintiffs have failed to meet their burden to state a claim upon which relief may be granted.”

Though the case was always extremely unlikely to succeed, President Donald Trump’s backers and legal team – and particularly his personal attorney Rudy Giuliani – had pinned their hopes on the federal judge in Pennsylvania giving some credibility to their suspicions of fraud and entertaining Trump’s attempt to overturn the popular vote for Biden.

But Brann, a longtime and well-known Republican in Pennsylvania, refused.

Shortly after the decision came down, Republican Sen. Pat Toomey of Pennsylvania congratulated Biden as the President-elect, breaking from party leaders and a vast majority of congressional Republicans who continue to back Trump’s efforts to challenge the results.

READ: Judge’s order dismissing Trump campaign Pennsylvania lawsuit
This was essentially the last major case seeking to throw out or block enough votes that could swing a key state in Trump’s favor, and Brann’s decision on Saturday is at least the 30th loss or withdrawal of a case from the Trump campaign and its allies since Election Day. There have only been two wins in court for Republicans, about very small numbers of votes.

“Plaintiffs ask this Court to disenfranchise almost seven million voters. This Court has been unable to find any case in which a plaintiff has sought such a drastic remedy in the contest of an election, in terms of the sheer volume of votes asked to be invalidated,” Brann wrote Saturday.

In the case, Trump’s legal team led by Giuliani had attempted to claim that the Equal Protection rights of two Pennsylvania voters were violated because the state had allowed counties to decide whether absentee ballots sent in with technical problems could be fixed by the voters. The two voters in the lawsuit said that in their counties, they were not allowed to “cure” their ballots, and thus had their ballots rejected, while other counties, like heavily Democratic Philadelphia County, allowed voters to “cure” absentee ballots. That discrepancy, they claimed, meant that Pennsylvania’s election results in their entirety should be blocked by court order, which theoretically, could deprive Biden of the state’s 20 Electoral College votes.

Brann called the legal reasoning behind the Trump campaign’s Equal Protection claim “Frankenstein’s Monster.”

“The answer to invalidated ballots is not to invalidate millions more,” Brann wrote.

Brann also admonished the Trump campaign for presenting no factual proof of voter fraud or other allegations – evidence that Giuliani and Trump’s supporters have repeatedly said is in the works but has never materialized. Elections officials in multiple states as well as judges have said there was no widespread fraud in the 2020 election.

Giuliani, who had swept into the case at the last minute ahead of a hearing on Tuesday before Brann, has been widely criticized for ignoring legal reasoning, leading a team that’s made sloppy mistakes in its filings, and for pushing nonsensical and unfounded claims of conspiracy against Trump in Democratic-leaning cities.

“One might expect that when seeking such a startling outcome, a plaintiff would come formidably armed with compelling legal arguments and factual proof of rampant corruption, such that this Court would have no option but to regrettably grant the proposed injunctive relief despite the impact it would have on such a large group of citizens. That has not happened,” Brann added. “Instead, this Court has been presented with strained legal arguments without merit and speculative accusations, unpled in the operative complaint and unsupported by evidence.”

The counties in the state are scheduled to certify their election results on Monday.

The judge said any further consideration of this issue “would unduly delay resolution of the issues” regarding certification, and he closed the case. His order on Saturday notes that the Trump campaign cannot try to resurface their claims in a rejiggered version of the lawsuit.

The Trump campaign on Saturday night said they would appeal Brann’s ruling, and quickly, with the intention of taking the case to the US Supreme Court.

What to know about Monday’s Michigan State Board meeting to certify election results
Toomey emerged as a rare Republican voice so far acknowledging Trump’s legal avenues have come to an end.

“With today’s decision by Judge Matthew Brann, a longtime conservative Republican whom I know to be a fair and unbiased jurist, to dismiss the Trump campaign’s lawsuit, President Trump has exhausted all plausible legal options to challenge the result of the presidential race in Pennsylvania,” the GOP senator said in a statement.

“These developments, together with the outcomes in the rest of the nation, confirm that Joe Biden won the 2020 election and will become the 46th President of the United States.”

Mike Gwin, a spokesperson for Biden, praised the decision to dismiss the lawsuit.

“The judge’s ruling couldn’t be clearer: our people, laws, and institutions demand more — and our country will not tolerate Trump’s attempt to reverse the results of an election that he decisively lost,” Gwin said in a statement.

Pennsylvania Attorney General Josh Shapiro also praised the decision in a statement Saturday night. “These claims were meritless from the start and for an audience of one. The will of the people will prevail. These baseless lawsuits need to end,” he said.

View on CNN
© 2020 Cable News Network. A Warner Media Company. All Rights Reserved.

<><><> <><><><>>>><><<><><>{>>>><><

POLITICO

WHITE HOUSE

Trump calls on GOP state legislatures to overturn election results
The president’s comment comes after a series of legal defeats, and with his options dwindling.

President Donald Trump listens during an event on Operation Warp Speed on Friday in the Rose Garden of the White House.
President Donald Trump. | Evan Vucci/AP Photo

President Donald Trump made explicit Saturday the strategy his legal team has been hinting at for days: He wants Republican-led legislatures to overturn election results in states that Joe Biden won.

“Why is Joe Biden so quickly forming a Cabinet when my investigators have found hundreds of thousands of fraudulent votes, enough to “flip” at least four States, which in turn is more than enough to win the Election?” Trump said, despite refusing to produce any such evidence either publicly or in court cases filed by his attorneys.

“Hopefully the Courts and/or Legislatures will have the COURAGE to do what has to be done to maintain the integrity of our Elections, and the United States of America itself,” Trump said.

Trump’s comment came after a string of legal defeats, including a rejection by a federal judge in Pennsylvania Saturday who said the Trump team presented no evidence of election fraud or misconduct, despite seeking to invalidate millions of votes. Trump’s lead lawyer in the case, Rudy Giuliani, said he intends to appeal the case to the Third Circuit and, if necessary, the Supreme Court.

But with few cases pending in courts, Trump’s options have narrowed and he is becoming increasingly reliant on longshot scenarios where election results are not certified and Republican-controlled statehouses in Pennsylvania, Michigan, Arizona and Georgia intervene to declare him the winner.

GOP legislative leaders in those states have not endorsed this approach. Trump summoned Michigan legislative leaders to the White House on Friday, but they later issued a statement indicating they had not seen any reason to intervene on Trump’s behalf.

To succeed, Trump’s plan would require several unprecedented legal steps. First, Republican-led legislatures in states Biden won would need to move to overturn their state’s popular vote and appoint a slate of Trump electors when the Electoral College meets on Dec. 14. In Pennsylvania and Michigan, such maneuvers would be certain to meet vetoes from Democratic governors, so the lawmakers would also need to secure a legal determination that they hold the sole power to appoint electors — a disputed legal premise that has never been tested.

Trump’s call for lawmakers to hand him the election is the most overt call he’s made yet for state lawmakers to overturn the election results. But it also underscores his dwindling options: Michigan is due to certify its vote totals on Monday, as are Pennsylvania counties, which would hand the statewide certification duty to Secretary of State Kathy Boockvar, a Democrat. On Friday, Georgia certified Biden’s victory.

As of Friday evening, Pennsylvania’s GOP leaders said they had not received an invitation to meet Trump at the White House, but last month, they said they would not step in to alter the election results.

© 2020 POLITICO LLC

<<<<<<<<<<< >>>><<<<< >>>>>>>><><<>> <<<<<

POLITICS

Chris Christie tells Trump to end election lawsuits, calls his legal team ‘national embarrassment’

Former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie said Sunday that the president should end his legal fights challenging the results of the election and concede to president-elect Joe Biden.
“You have an obligation to present the evidence, the evidence has not been presented,” Christe said.
Christie described Trump’s legal team as a “national embarrassment” and Powell’s explosive claims as “outrageous conduct.”
Trump has alleged that the U.S. presidential election was riddled with “massive improprieties and fraud” and has therefore rejected the results.
GP: Donald Trump Chris Christie
US President Donald Trump (L) speaks with Governor Chris Christie (R-NJ) after he delivered remarks on combatting drug demand and the opioid crisis on October 26, 2017 in the East Room of the White House in Washington, DC.
Jim Watson | AFP | Getty Images
WASHINGTON — President Donald Trump’s confidant former New Jersey Gov. Chris Christie said Sunday that the president should end his legal fights challenging the results of the election and concede to president-elect Joe Biden.

“Listen, I’ve been a supporter of the president, I voted for him twice but elections have consequences and we cannot continue to act as if something happened here that didn’t happen,” Christie explained on “This Week with George Stephanopoulos.”

“They allege fraud outside of the courtroom but when they go inside the courtroom they don’t plead fraud and they don’t argue fraud,” Christie said, adding “you have an obligation to present the evidence, the evidence has not been presented.”

Trump has alleged that the U.S. presidential election was riddled with “massive improprieties and fraud” and has therefore rejected the results. Other top administration officials, such as Vice President Mike Pence and Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, have publicly insisted that the election is not over. The Trump campaign continues to question the integrity of the election through a series of legal actions across battleground states.

On Saturday a federal judge in Pennsylvania dismissed a lawsuit by Trump’s campaign that sought to block that state’s certification of millions of votes. The judge’s decision is another brick in the crumbling edifice that is Trump’s already long-shot bid to invalidate enough ballots in enough states to reverse Biden’s victory in the election.

U.S. Sen. Pat Toomey, R-Pa., said in a statement that the judge’s ruling confirms “Joe Biden won the 2020 election and will become the 46th President of the United States.”

“I congratulate President-elect Biden and Vice President-elect Kamala Harris on their victory. They are both dedicated public servants and I will be praying for them and for our country,” Toomey added.

The Trump campaign and its allies now have lost or withdrawn more than 30 lawsuits that were part of that effort.

Trump campaign lawyer Sidney Powell listed a slew of allegations of fraud during an interview on Newsmax TV on Saturday. Powell alleged that Republican Georgia Gov. Brian Kemp may have been involved in kickbacks to public officials but gave no details.

“Sidney Powell accusing Governor Brian Kemp of a crime on television yet being on unwilling to go on TV and defend and lay out the evidence that she supposedly has” is “outrageous conduct,” Christie said.

The former governor and federal prosecutor slammed Trump’s legal team as a “national embarrassment.”

Trump vaccine chief has had ‘no contact’ with Biden transition team

© 2020 CNBC LLC. All Rights Reserved. A Division of NBCUniversal

Here’s one way to get Trump to resign

Opinion by Dean Obeidallah

(CNN)Donald Trump seems to have spent most of the year working on his reelection rather than the duties of the presidency. Now that he has lost, it appears he has really checked out.

On Saturday morning, Trump joined an online meeting of G20 leaders at 8 a.m. ET to discuss Covid-19 and other issues of concern. How did Trump approach this vitally important conference? He began tweeting about 13 minutes into the opening session, spewing more baseless claims about voter fraud in an effort to overturn the 2020 election. And by 10 a.m. Trump departed to go play golf, skipping a special side conference that was focused on the coronavirus crisis that’s exploding in many countries – including our own.

Beyond Trump’s non-stop efforts to erode US democracy with lies about voter fraud, the dangerous blocking of the start of President-elect Joe Biden’s transition until the General Services Administration makes a determination that he won the election means the incoming administration can’t start the process of working with all of the federal agencies, including the Covid-19 vaccine team, to prepare for battling this deadly virus and putting in place a vaccine distribution plan. As Biden recently warned about Trump’s actions, “More people may die if we don’t coordinate.”

Appealing to Trump to do the right thing for the good of Americans is a fool’s errand. Trump only cares about Trump. We need to make his incentive something that benefits Trump personally. So here’s an offer to Trump: Resign today and American taxpayers will cover the cost of unlimited golf between now and January 20, the day Biden is sworn in – or “Freedom from Trump day,” as I refer to it.

What Trump is doing should worry us all
What Trump is doing should worry us all
Yes, I know, many of you are saying, “Don’t we already pay for Trump’s golf?!” Fair point. Exact numbers are hard to confirm, but given that it can cost millions every time the President takes a trip – and that Trump had already spent 266 days during his Presidency at a Trump golf course by May of 2020 – it’s clear that Trump’s love of golf has cost taxpayers tens of millions of dollars for the federally-funded security and transport needed to get him to his favorite courses. After all, Trump doesn’t just golf in the United States – he likes to play in places like his resorts in Scotland and Ireland too.

I hope Trump takes a moment from tweeting unfounded conspiracy theories to check out Golf Digest’s top 100 golf courses outside the US. (In reality, I’m betting Trump has read Golf Digest more than his daily intelligence briefings.) There, Trump will be treated to an eye-popping buffet of magnificent golf courses that he can visit at our expense while we wait for Biden’s inauguration.

Trump could begin at the top-rated golf course in the world, Royal County Down Golf club located in Newcastle, Northern Ireland. This course, founded in 1889, is located between Dundrum Bay to the east and Mountains of Mourne to the south and is famous for its “gorse-covered dunes in golden bloom.” As Golf Digest notes, “There is no lovelier place in golf.”

From there, Trump could jet over to New Zealand to play the world’s second-highest-rated golf course, Tara Iti golf club. For golfers, this must be the eighth wonder of the world, with a course that took two years of “gently re-sculpting the sandy soil into hummocks, punchbowls and sand dunes that look like they were formed by wind and vegetated by nature.” It’s breathtaking – and it could be Trump’s at no cost to him if he simply signs that resignation paper. (Of course, he might have to wait until New Zealand lifts its coronavirus travel ban – but perhaps if he books now he can get a credit for later.)

Judge's devastating question for team Trump
Judge’s devastating question for team Trump
But wait, there’s more. Trump could then skip over to South Korea to play the ninth-ranked golf course in the world, South Cape Owners club, located on the picturesque Namhae Island. This course not only features a view of the ocean from every tee, but it could also feature a very special golfing partner. That’s right: the man Trump exchanged “love letters” with, the one and only dictator of North Korea: Kim Jong Un. Trump already asked Kim to play golf in their February 2019 summit, as noted in Bob Woodward’s recent book, “Rage.” In fact, Trump said to Kim, “Let’s go play a round of golf” and “Let’s go to a movie together.” Well, now they can do both, and we US taxpayers will foot the bill if Trump accepts our offer.

Trump is the “Art of the Deal” guy, so he might say I want more than free golf, how about a pardon?! I can understand Trump’s desire for one considering the potential criminal investigations he is facing upon leaving office. But all we are offering is golf – take it or leave it.

I think most Americans – or at least the 51% of voters who cast a ballot for Biden – would agree Trump can gleefully enjoy all the taxpayer-financed golf, diet Cokes and burgers he can handle between now and January 20. In exchange, all he has to do is resign right away. It’s a win for all involved. This could save American lives from Covid-19, save our democracy from Trump’s assault and provide Trump the freedom to focus on what he does best: Golf and tweeting. What do you say, Mr. President?

© 2020 Cable News Network. A Warner Media Company. All Rights Reserved.

He still has a card up his sleeve after all, he is still Commands in Chief. I doubt he will go that route, but National Security is not peanuts.

2020 ELECTION

‘Beyond an embarrassment,’ legal experts say of Trump and Giuliani’s floundering efforts in court
“It’s as dysfunctional a litigation strategy as I’ve ever seen,” one attorney told NBC News.

Image: Rudy Giuliani And Trump Legal Advisor Hold Press Conference At RNC HQ

Rudy Giuliani was brought in to lead an “elite strike force” of lawyers to guide President Donald Trump’s legal challenges to the 2020 election, but their efforts have been “dysfunctional” and “an embarrassment,” based on “unsubstantiated evidence” and “outlandish claims,” legal experts told NBC News.

“It’s beyond an embarrassment,” said lawyer Glenn Kirschner. “It’s both really poor lawyering and it has the worst possible motive behind it. It’s all in the name of overturning the will of American voter.”

Election lawyer Matthew Sanderson compared Giuliani unfavorably to James Baker, who led George W. Bush’s legal effort in the 2000 presidential election.

“This is like Bush v. Gore, but replace James Baker with the editor of a QAnon subreddit,” he said. “It’s not competent lawyering. There are strategic errors, typographical errors — every kind of error you can make in a case.”

“It’s as dysfunctional a litigation strategy as I’ve ever seen,” Sanderson added.

On Monday, the campaign filed its appeal of a federal judge’s ruling dismissing the campaign’s lawsuit in Pennsylvania challenging some mail-in votes.

The appeal complained the judge in the case, Matthew Brann, “misconstrued the remedy sought. The Campaign is not seeking to disenfranchise 6.8 million Pennsylvanians,” as the judge wrote in his scathing decision — and Giuliani acknowledged in a court hearing last week.

The appeal says the campaign just wanted to set aside some ballots that they believe may be defective — and then notes that one of the remedies they’re seeking is “an order that the results of the 2020 Presidential general election are defective, which would allow the Pennsylvania General Assembly to choose Pennsylvania’s electors” — in other words, which would disenfranchise 6.8 million Pennsylvanians by dismissing their votes.

The filing at one point refers to ballots as “ballets,” and another of the campaign’s filings earlier in the day referred to “Presidential Donald J. Trump” instead of president.

That earlier filing — which said the campaign was only appealing part of Brann’s order but then added it might appeal other parts of the order — led to confusion from other defendants in the case, who said it was improper and they couldn’t understand what exactly the campaign was seeking.

It also wasn’t the first such filing since Trump named Giuliani his lead lawyer. Earlier in the same Pennsylvania case, Giuliani was seeking to add back in arguments his predecessors had dropped, presumably because they didn’t have the evidence to back their claims. “The lawyers thought they were losers,” Sanderson said.

Also Monday, the campaign lost another lawsuit in Pennsylvania state court — the latest in a string of dozens of court losses in six swing states since the election, most of which were started by Giuliani’s predecessors.

“I don’t think any team of lawyers can save this case. Election litigation is not designed to overturn tens of thousands of votes. That just doesn’t happen. But even with that caveat, this strategy has not been well-executed,” Sanderson said.

He noted that Giuliani seemed to struggle with some legal terms during his court appearance last week, and his over-the-top claims about a massive nationwide voter fraud scheme haven’t been helping his credibility.

Myrna Pérez, director of the Brennan Center’s Voting Rights and Elections Program, said Giuliani’s efforts aren’t aimed at winning court challenges — they’re designed to bolster Trump’s attacks on the democratic process.

“I think this is a strategy of trying to dog whistle to his base” by attacking minority voters in Democratic strongholds, she said. “It’s to cheapen the process of how we resolve our political differences peacefully, and cast doubt on the outcome of the election in which he’s not the winner.”

“It’s a pernicious, problematic attempt to bedraggle our democratic processes,” Pérez said, adding the legal campaign has been full of “unsubstantiated allegations, inadequate evidence and outlandish claims.”

Some of those claims have apparently even gotten to be too much for the president — he jettisoned lawyer Sidney Powell from his team over the weekend after she suggested Republicans had taken payoffs to fix the election in Georgia. That’s where two seats that will determine control of the U.S. Senate are up for grabs in a runoff election in January.

Giuliani had made claims similar to some of Powell’s, but never accused any Republicans of wrongdoing.

A source familiar with Trump’s thinking told NBC News Monday the president was unhappy with Powell’s and Giuliani’s over-the-top performances at a news conference at the Republican National Committee headquarters last week, where both shared baseless conspiracy theories about the election. The source said Trump is concerned his team is comprised of “fools that are making him look bad.”

Pérez called Giuliani’s variety of conspiracy allegations “the legal equivalent of jumping the shark.”

“This is all going to ultimately fail, but this is still going to be damaging,” she said.

Kirschner, an NBC News legal analyst, said, “It angers me when I hear Donald Trump’s lawyers and defenders say, ‘You have every right to bring these cases.’ Actually, no. You have every right to bring a winning case. You don’t have a right to file a frivolous lawsuit for purposes other than winning a lawsuit, like trying to undermine public confidence in elections.”

© 2020 NBC UNIVERSAL

Lame marked baby, Man, will he throw a tantrum as commander - in - chief. ?

POLITICO

Magazine
2020

The Inside Story of Michigan’s Fake Voter Fraud Scandal
How a state that was never in doubt became a “national embarrassment” and a symbol of the Republican Party’s fealty to Donald Trump.

An elections worker rubs his head in the closing hours where absentee ballots were processed at the central counting board, Wednesday, Nov. 4, 2020, in Detroit.
An elections worker rubs his head in the closing hours where absentee ballots were processed at the central counting board, Nov. 4, 2020, in Detroit. | AP Photo/Carlos Osorio

11/24/2020 09:00 PM EST

Tim Alberta is chief political correspondent for Politico Magazine.

After five years spent bullying the Republican Party into submission, President Donald Trump finally met his match in Aaron Van Langevelde.

Who?

That’s right. In the end, it wasn’t a senator or a judge or a general who stood up to the leader of the free world. There was no dramatic, made-for-Hollywood collision of cosmic egos. Rather, the death knell of Trump’s presidency was sounded by a baby-faced lawyer, looking over his glasses on a grainy Zoom feed on a gloomy Monday afternoon, reading from a statement that reflected a courage and moral clarity that has gone AWOL from his party, pleading with the tens of thousands of people watching online to understand that some lines can never be uncrossed.

“We must not attempt to exercise power we simply don’t have,” declared Van Langevelde, a member of Michigan’s board of state canvassers, the ministerial body with sole authority to make official Joe Biden’s victory over Trump. “As John Adams once said, ‘We are a government of laws, not men.’ This board needs to adhere to that principle here today. This board must do its part to uphold the rule of law and comply with our legal duty to certify this election.”

Van Langevelde is a Republican. He works for Republicans in the Statehouse. He gives legal guidance to advance Republican causes and win Republican campaigns. As a Republican, his mandate for Monday’s hearing—handed down from the state party chair, the national party chair and the president himself—was straightforward. They wanted Michigan’s board of canvassers to delay certification of Biden’s victory. Never mind that Trump lost by more than 154,000 votes, or that results were already certified in all 83 counties. The plan was to drag things out, to further muddy the election waters and delegitimize the process, to force the courts to take unprecedented actions that would forever taint Michigan’s process of certifying elections. Not because it was going to help Trump win but because it was going to help Trump cope with a loss. The president was not accepting defeat. That meant no Republican with career ambitions could accept it, either.

Which made Van Langevelde’s vote for certification all the more remarkable. With the other Republican on the four-person board, Norman Shinkle, abstaining on the final vote—a cowardly abdication of duty—the 40-year-old Van Langevelde delivered the verdict on his own. At a low point in his party’s existence, with much of the GOP’s leadership class pre-writing their own political epitaphs by empowering Trump to lay waste to the country’s foundational democratic norms, an obscure lawyer from west Michigan stood on principle. It proved to be the nail in Trump’s coffin: Shortly after Michigan’s vote to certify, the General Services Administration finally commenced the official transition of power and Trump tweeted out a statement affirming the move “in the best interest of our Country.”

Still, the drama in Lansing raised deeper questions about the health of our political system and the sturdiness of American democracy. Why were Republicans who privately admitted Trump’s legitimate defeat publicly alleging massive fraud? Why did it fall to a little-known figure like Van Langevelde to buffer the country from an unprecedented layer of turmoil? Why did the battleground state that dealt Trump his most decisive defeat—by a wide margin—become the epicenter of America’s electoral crisis?

Large numbers of people gathered to join in the Stop the Steal protest, on Nov. 7 in Lansing, which was organized to show opposition to Biden winning the presidency. Many at the demonstration suspected voting counts to be inaccurate or fraudulent. | Stephen Zenner/Sipa via AP Images

In conversations with more than two dozen Michigan insiders—elected officials, party elders, consultants, activists—it became apparent how the state’s conditions were ripe for this sort of slow-motion disaster. Michigan is home to Detroit, an overwhelmingly majority Black city, that has always been a favorite punching bag of white Republicans. The state had viral episodes of conflict and human error that were easily manipulated and deliberately misconstrued. It drew special attention from the highest levels of the party, and for the president, it had the potential to settle an important score with his adversary, Democratic Governor Gretchen Whitmer. Perhaps most important, Trump’s allies in Michigan proved to be more career-obsessed, and therefore more servile to his whims, than GOP officials in any other state he has cultivated during his presidency, willing to indulge his conspiratorial fantasies in ways other Republicans weren’t.

This, Republicans and Democrats here agreed, was the essential difference between Michigan and other states. However sloppy Trump’s team was in contesting the results in places like Georgia and Wisconsin, where the margins were fractional, there was at least some plausible justification of a legal challenge. The same could never be said for Michigan. Strangely liberated by his deficit of 154,000 votes, the president’s efforts here were aimed not at overturning the results, but rather at testing voters’ faith in the ballot box and Republicans’ loyalty to him.

“We have to see this for what it is. It’s a PR strategy to erode public confidence in a very well-run election to achieve political ends,” Secretary of State Jocelyn Benson, a Democrat, said in an interview last week. “This was not any type of valid legal strategy that had any chance at ultimately succeeding.”

“Anybody can sue anybody for any reason. But winning is a whole different matter. And Trump didn’t have a realistic pathway here,” Brian Calley, the former GOP lieutenant governor, told me prior to the certification vote. “I’m not too worried about the end result in Michigan. I understand the drama. … I know the system looks clunky. But I actually think we’ll look back on this and say, you know, we’ve actually got a very strong system that can stand up to a lot of scrutiny.”

Benson and Calley were right that Trump was never going to succeed at altering the outcome in Michigan—or in any of the other contested states, or in the Electoral College itself. The 45th president’s time in office is drawing to a close. No amount of @realdonaldtrump tweets or wild-eyed allegations from his lawyers or unhinged segments on One America News can change that.

But what they can change—where he can ultimately succeed—is in convincing unprecedented numbers of Americans that their votes didn’t count. Last month, Gallup reported that the public’s confidence in our elections being accurate dropped 11 points since the 2018 midterms, which included a 34-point decrease among Republicans. That was before a daily deluge of dishonest allegations and out-of-context insinuations; before the conservative media’s wall-to-wall coverage of exotic conspiracy theories; before the GOP’s most influential figures winked and nodded at the president of the United States alleging the greatest fraud in U.S. history.

Trump failed to win Michigan. But he succeeded in convincing America that a loss, no matter how conclusive, may never again be conclusive enough.

The irony of Michigan’s electoral meltdown is that Election Day, in the eyes of veteran clerks and poll workers across the state, was the smoothest it had ever been. Like clockwork, one can always depend on controversies—sometimes mini-scandals—to spring up by noontime on any given Election Day. But not in 2020. There were no documented instances of voter intimidation. No outcry over precincts opening late or closing early. Heck, in the state’s biggest and busiest voting jurisdictions, there were no lines to complain about. The day was eerily uneventful.

Much of this owed to months of tireless preparation by election officials at the state and local level. Of course, it also had something to do with the historic nature of 2020: More than half of Michigan’s voters chose to vote absentee, the result of a new law that predated the deadly Covid-19 pandemic that scared many people away from voting in-person. For this reason, Michiganders were not congratulating themselves when the polls closed on election night. They knew the real gantlet lay ahead.

“You’re talking about election officials implementing new laws, running an election with a 60 percent mail vote, in the middle of a pandemic,” said Chris Thomas, Michigan’s longtime chief elections administrator, a nonpartisan who spent decades working under secretaries of state from both parties. “In terms of voters getting the ballots processed and counted in a reasonable time period, I thought they did a marvelous job. But it was a huge challenge.”

Because state law prohibited the processing of absentee votes until 7 a.m. on Election Day—preventing workers from getting a head start with the time-consuming work of opening envelopes, removing ballots and preparing them for tabulation—everyone understood the state would face a historic backlog of votes to count once the polls closed at 8 p.m. This was the source of a monthslong dispute between the Democratic governor, the Democratic secretary of state and the Republicans who control both the House and Senate in Lansing. Whitmer and Benson warned the GOP leaders that a protracted counting process, especially in the scenario of a competitive election, would invite chaos. Other states Trump carried in 2016, such as Ohio and Florida, allowed for pre-canvassing of absentee and other mail-in ballots so that voters would know which candidate carried the state on election night. Why couldn’t Michigan do the same?

In this Nov. 3 photo, election inspectors are reflected in a window as they begin processing ballots while a voter outside arrives to drop a ballot into an official box on Election Day at City Hall in Warren, Mich. | AP Photo/David Goldman

The Republicans—House Speaker Lee Chatfield and Senate Majority Leader Mike Shirkey—were not interested. Spooked by Trump’s continued assault on mail voting, and aware that their own members in the Legislature were distrustful of the new “no-excuse-absentee” rules, Chatfield and Shirkey weren’t inclined to do the process any favors. Only in the late stages of the race, when Republican state senator (and former secretary of state) Ruth Johnson suggested a meager concession—allowing 10 hours of absentee ballot processing before Election Day—did the GOP throw a bone to election workers.

It’s helpful to understand the party’s logic. Not only did they want to avoid the perception of aiding a system the president was attacking as illegitimate and not only were they skeptical of the Democrats’ concerns of a drawn-out count. But many Republicans didn’t believe the election would be terribly close to begin with. A summer’s worth of polling, conducted for them privately at the local and statewide level, indicated that Trump stood little chance of carrying Michigan a second time. The common expectation was that the president would lose comfortably, by at least 4 or 5 points, a margin that would render any controversy about absentee voting meaningless.

That thinking changed abruptly around 10 p.m. on election night. As the president surged to a durable lead in Florida—defying expectations by winning large numbers of Hispanics and holding his own among absentee voters—Michigan Republicans were gripped by equal parts euphoria and panic. It was clear Trump was running far more competitively than they’d anticipated; he was on track to win Florida, Ohio and North Carolina, three states that tally their ballots quickly, meaning the spotlight would abruptly shift to the critical, slow-counting battlegrounds of Michigan, Wisconsin and Pennsylvania.

Everyone here knew this had been a possibility, but it wasn’t until midnight that the urgency of the situation crashed over Republicans. Trump had built a lead of nearly 300,000 votes on the strength of same-day ballots that were disproportionately favorable to him. Now, with the eyes of the nation—and of the president—fixed on their state, Michigan Republicans scrambled to protect that lead. Laura Cox, chair of the state party, began dialing prominent lawmakers, attorneys and activists, urging them to get down to the TCF Center, the main hub of absentee vote counting in Detroit. She was met with some confusion; there were already plenty of Republicans there, as scheduled, working their shifts as poll challengers. It didn’t matter, Cox told them. It was time to flood the zone.

“This was all so predictable,” said Josh Venable, who ran Election Day operations for the Michigan GOP during five different cycles. “Detroit has been the boogeyman for Republicans since before I was born. It’s always been the white suburbs vs. Detroit, the white west side of the state vs. Detroit. There’s always this rallying cry from Republicans—‘We win everywhere else, but lose Wayne County’—that creates paranoia. I still remember hearing, back on my first campaign in 2002, that Wayne County always releases its votes last so that Detroit can see how many votes Democrats need to win the state. That’s what a lot of Republicans here believe.”

As things picked up at the TCF Center, with more and more white Republicans filing into the complex to supervise the activity of mostly Black poll workers, Chris Thomas noticed a shift in the environment. Having been brought out of retirement to supervise the counting in Detroit—a decision met with cheers from Republicans and Democrats alike—Thomas had been “thrilled” with the professionalism he’d witnessed during Monday’s pre-processing session and Tuesday’s vote tabulating. Now, in the early morning hours of Wednesday, things were going sideways. Groups of Republican poll challengers were clustering around individual counting tables in violation of the rules. People were raising objections—such as to the transferring of military absentees onto ballots that could be read by machines, a standard practice—that betrayed a lack of preparation.

“Reading these affidavits afterward from these Republican poll challengers, I was just amazed at how misunderstood the election process was to them,” Thomas chuckled. “The things they said were going on—it’s like ‘Yeah, that’s exactly what was going on. That’s what’s supposed to happen.’” (The Trump team’s much celebrated lawsuit against Detroit was recently withdrawn after being pummeled in local courtrooms; his campaign has to date won one case and lost 35.)

At one point, around 3:30 in the morning, Thomas supervised the receiving of Detroit’s final large batch of absentee ballots. They arrived in a passenger van. Thomas confirmed the numbers he’d verified over the phone: 45 trays, each tray holding roughly 300 ballots, for a total of between 13,000 and 14,000 ballots. Not long after, Charlie Spies, an attorney for the U.S. Senate campaign of Republican John James, approached Thomas inside the TCF Center. He wanted to know about the 38,000 absentee ballots that had just materialized. Thomas told him there were not 38,000 ballots; that at most it might have been close to 15,000.

“I was told the number was 38,000,” Spies replied.

By five o’clock on Wednesday morning, it was apparent Trump’s lead would not hold.

His cushion over Biden had been whittled down to 70,000 votes. There remained hundreds of thousands of absentee ballots to be counted in the large, Democratic strongholds of Detroit, Lansing and Flint. The math was simply not workable for the president. Just before 9:30 a.m., Biden overtook Trump in the tally of Michigan’s votes—and suddenly, a switch flipped on the right.

After 24 hours of letting the democratic process work, Republicans around the country—watching Trump’s second term slipping through their fingers—began crying foul and screaming conspiracy. No state cornered the hysteria market quite like Michigan.

First it was breathless accusations about Antrim County, a rural Republican redoubt in northwestern Michigan with a total turnout of 16,044 voters, where the unofficial returns showed Biden leading Trump by 3,000 votes. (A human error caused the candidates’ totals to be transposed, the county clerk said, and it was quickly corrected, though this did nothing to stop context-less social media posts about the mistake from going viral, or to slow the spread of rumors about Governor Whitmer buying off local officials because she owned a vacation home in Antrim County.)

Then it was Stu Sandler, a longtime Michigan GOP operative and top adviser to James’ U.S. Senate campaign, moving preemptively to declare victory and accuse Democrats of trying to steal the seat. “John James has won this race. The ballots are counted. Stop making up numbers, stalling the process and cheating the system,” Sandler tweeted. (James, who was clinging to a small lead that would soon disappear, promptly retweeted this sinister claim. Sandler later deleted it and told me he apologized for tweeting “in the middle of an intense moment”—but stuck to his claims of widespread “irregularities” that damaged his candidate.)

The true insanity was saved for Detroit. By early afternoon on Wednesday, hundreds and hundreds of Republicans had descended on the TCF Center, responding to an all-hands-on-deck missive that went out from the state party and was disseminated by local officials. Cox, the party chair, tweeted out a video of her comrades standing outside the locked-up downtown building. “Republican poll challengers blocked from entering the TCF Center in Detroit! This is egregious!” she wrote.

Truly egregious was Cox’s dishonesty. At the time of her tweet, several hundred of her party’s poll challengers, attorneys and representatives were already inside the TCF Center monitoring the count. By law, Republicans were allowed to have 134 challengers in the room, one for each tabulation table. In reality, the GOP had far more than that, according to sworn testimony from nonpartisan poll watchers inside the TCF Center. Because of the overflow, election officials ultimately decided to lock down the complex, starting with the glass-encased canvassing room where the tabulation work was being done. This left dozens and dozens of Republicans trapped behind the glass—in addition to the hundreds of others locked outside with Cox. Some began to bang hard on the inside windows; others began to film workers handling the ballots, a violation of state law. To protect the workers, TCF officials covered some of the windows with cardboard—a decision Thomas said he was not consulted on, but absolutely agreed with.

“The people outside that room were doing exactly what the law says you would eject people for doing—they were disrupting the election,” Thomas said. “Everyone else in the room—the Democratic Party, the Republican Party, the ACLU, the nonpartisans—they all still had a full complement of challengers in the room. And the Republicans, by the way, had far more challengers in the room than they were entitled to.”

What made this behavior all the more confounding, Thomas said, is that the election was conducted more transparently than any he’d ever participated in. Each of the 134 tables had monitors placed at the end, “showing every keystroke that was made,” so that challengers could see exactly what was happening. But he came to realize that none of this mattered. Having dealt with Republican poll challengers for decades, Thomas said, it was clear the people who infiltrated TCF on Wednesday were not adequately trained or there for the right reasons.

“They clearly came in believing there was mass cheating going on in Detroit and they were on a mission to catch it.”

Chris Thomas

“Unlike the people who were there Monday and Tuesday, these people Wednesday were totally unprepared. They had no idea how the system worked. They had no idea what they were there for,” Thomas said. “Many of them—not all of them, but many of them—they were on a mission. They clearly came in believing there was mass cheating going on in Detroit and they were on a mission to catch it.”

As conspiracy theories proliferated across the right-wing information universe—Sharpie markers disenfranchising Trump voters in Arizona, a marked Biden/Harris van unloading boxes full of ballots in Nevada, suspicious turnout patterns in Wisconsin—Detroit held a special place in the president’s heart.

When Trump addressed the nation from the White House on Thursday night, insisting the election had been “stolen” from him, he returned time and again to alleged misconduct in Michigan’s biggest city. Detroit, he smirked, “I wouldn’t say has the best reputation for election integrity.” He said the city “had hours of unexplained delay” in counting ballots, and when the late batches arrived, “nobody knew where they came from.” He alleged that Republicans had been “denied access to observe any counting in Detroit” and that the windows had been covered because “they didn’t want anybody seeing the counting.”

All of this was a lie. Republicans here—from Ronna Romney McDaniel to Laura Cox to federal and local lawmakers—knew it was a lie. But they didn’t lift a finger in protest as the president disparaged Michigan and subverted America’s democratic norms. Why?

In the days following Trump’s shameful address to the nation, two realities became inescapable to Michigan’s GOP elite. First, there was zero evidence to substantiate widespread voter fraud. Second, they could not afford to admit it publicly.

McDaniel was a case in point. Born into Michigan royalty—granddaughter of the beloved former governor, George Romney, and niece of former presidential nominee Mitt Romney—she knows the state’s politics as well as anyone. Working for her uncle’s campaign here, and then as a national committeewoman and state party chair, McDaniel earned respect for her canny, studied approach. She spun and exaggerated and played the game, but she was generally viewed as being above board.

That changed after Trump’s 2016 victory. Tapped by the president-elect to take over the Republican National Committee—on the not-so-subtle condition that she remove “Romney” from her professional name—McDaniel morphed into an archetype of the Trump-era GOP sycophant. There was no lie too outlandish to parrot, no behavior too unbecoming to justify, no abuse of power too flagrant to enable. Longtime friends worried that McDaniel wasn’t merely humiliating herself publicly; she seemed to be changing in private. She was no longer coolly detached from the passions of politics. If anything, she was turning into a true MAGA believer.

There was some relief, then, when in recent weeks McDaniel told multiple confidants that she doubted there was any scalable voter fraud in Michigan. Nevertheless, McDaniel told friends and fellow Republicans that she needed to stay the course with Trump and his legal team. This wasn’t about indulging him, she said, but rather about demonstrating a willingness to fight—even when the fight couldn’t be won.

If this sounds illogical, McDaniel’s thinking is actually quite linear. The RNC will vote in January on the position of chair. She is anxious to keep her job. It’s bad enough that despite an enormous investment of time and resources in Michigan, McDaniel was unable to deliver her home state for the president. If that might prove survivable, what would end McDaniel’s bid instantaneously is abandoning the flailing president in the final, desperate moments of his reelection campaign. No matter how obvious the outcome—to McDaniel, to the 168 members of the RNC, maybe even to Trump himself—any indication of surrender would be unforgivable.

Advertisement
This is why McDaniel has sanctioned her employees, beginning with top spokesperson Liz Harrington, to spread countless demonstrable falsehoods in the weeks since Election Day. It’s why the RNC, on McDaniel’s watch, tweeted out a video clip of disgraced lawyer Sidney Powell claiming Trump “won in a landslide” (when he lost by more than 6 million votes nationally) and alleging a global conspiracy to rig the election against him. It’s why McDaniel felt comfortable throwing under the bus a highly respected local Republican clerk in her own backyard, the Detroit suburb of Oakland County, for a human error that was rectified with transparency from start to finish. (The clerk, Tina Barton, called McDaniel’s insinuations of fraud “categorically false.”)

Honesty and decency have not been hallmarks of Republicanism during Trump’s presidency. They certainly are not priorities now. With Trump entering the anguished twilight of his presidency, all that appears to matter for someone like McDaniel—or Cox, the state party chair, who faces an upcoming election of her own—is unconditional fidelity to the president.

“The unfortunate reality within the party today is that Trump retains a hold that is forcing party leaders to continue down the path of executing his fantasy of overturning the outcome—at their own expense,” said Jason Cabel Roe, a Michigan-based GOP strategist who once worked as a vendor for McDaniel, and whose family goes back generations with hers. “Frankly, continuing to humor him merely excuses his role in this. The election wasn’t stolen, he blew it. Up until the final two weeks, he seemingly did everything possible to lose. Given how close it was, there is no one to blame but Trump.”

“Principled conservatives who respect the rule of law and speak out suddenly find themselves outcasts in a party that is no longer about conservativism but Trumpism.”

Cabel Roe added, “But if they want a future within the party, it is required of them to demonstrate continued fealty. Principled conservatives who respect the rule of law and speak out suddenly find themselves outcasts in a party that is no longer about conservativism but Trumpism. Just ask once-conservative heroes like Jeff Flake, Justin Amash and Mark Sanford.”

This same principle applies to Chatfield and Shirkey, the state legislative leaders who were summoned to Washington last week for a meeting with Trump. Under normal circumstances, nobody would begrudge anyone a meeting with the president. But the circumstances surrounding the Michigan GOP leadership’s secret huddle with Trump were anything but normal.

Just days earlier, a meeting of the Wayne County canvassing board had devolved into pandemonium after the two GOP members initially refused to certify the county’s results. There were valid concerns about some inconsistencies in the balancing of Detroit’s poll books; and yet, those inconsistencies were minimal relative to the 2016 election, when Trump won by a margin 15 times smaller—and when the board voted unanimously to certify the result. Monica Palmer, one of the GOP canvassers, caused an uproar when she offered to certify the rest of Wayne County—precincts like Livonia—without certifying Detroit. (Livonia, which is 95 percent white, had more poll-book irregularities than Detroit, which is 80 percent Black.)

Tweeting out siren emojis, Jenna Ellis, the attorney for Trump’s campaign, announced: “BREAKING: This evening, the county board of canvassers in Wayne County, MI refused to certify the election results. If the state board follows suit, the Republican state legislator will select the electors. Huge win for @realDonaldTrump.”

This proved wrong on two counts. First, the Wayne board—after a heated period of comments from the public—reversed course the same night and voted unanimously to certify the results after Democrats agreed to an audit of the county’s numerical inconsistencies. Second, the notion that legislators would under any circumstance be free to send their own partisans to the Electoral College had no basis in fact. Under Michigan statute, the only electors eligible to represent Michigan are those who will vote for the winner of the popular vote. There is no discretion for anyone—the governor, leaders of the legislature, canvassers at the county or state level—to do anything but follow the law.

Wayne County Board of Canvassers discuss a motion to certify election results during a board meeting in Detroit on Tuesday, Nov. 17, 2020. | Robin Buckson/Detroit News via AP

That didn’t stop Trump from buying in. Having long been advised by his legal team that state legislators would be his ace in the hole—particularly in Republican-controlled states with close elections—the president called Chatfield and Shirkey the morning after the Wayne board meeting. He invited them to the White House for a briefing on the state of play in Michigan. Both Chatfield and Shirkey are talented and ambitious, self-grooming for future runs at higher office. Both could see the obvious problems of meeting with the president at such a precarious moment—and both could also see how spurning Trump could torpedo their careers in the GOP.

Advertisement
When they huddled with some of their rank-and-file members, an uneasiness gripped some of the people present. Some wanted to know whether Trump had been inviting legislators from other swing states; others wondered whether he might make a direct ask to intervene on his behalf, putting them in a tenuous and potentially incriminating position. More than a few mentioned how their inboxes had exploded ever since Mark Levin, the far-right radio personality, had begun tweeting screeds about legislatures having the power to send any electors they wish to the Electoral College.

Ultimately, the GOP lawmakers felt they were obligated to go. This was the president calling on them—and besides, they joked, it might be a long time before a Republican occupied the Oval Office again. But precautions were taken. In a savvy move, Chatfield and Shirkey prepared a letter addressing concerns over funding to deal with Covid-19 in Michigan. They also brought along their general counsels. These two maneuvers—one to soothe the outcry over Michigan lawmakers meeting with a president whose legal team was calling for them to overturn the state’s election results; the other to insulate them from improper discussions about doing exactly that—were sufficient to sidestep any major crisis.

The president asked them about allegations of fraud, and the legislators told him about various probes they had authorized to look into reports of irregularities. But Trump, perhaps sensing the nervous reticence of his guests, did not make the ask they feared. As the meeting went on, it became apparent to some people in the room that more than anything, Trump had called his Michigan allies to Washington to get an honest assessment of what had happened there. He wanted to know if there was any pathway to victory. They told him there was not.

“I don’t get it,” the president said, venting confusion and frustration. “All these other Republicans, all over the country, they all win their races. And I’m the only guy that loses?”

Right around the time Chatfield and Shirkey were bearing the bad news to Trump in Washington, the Republican rumor mill was churning back home.

With all 83 counties boasting certified results, the only thing that stood between Joe Biden and his rightful claim to Michigan’s 16 electoral votes was certification from the state board of canvassers. In a rational political climate, this would not have been the subject of suspense. But the swirling innuendo and disinformation had long ago swept away any semblance of normalcy. Already, one of the board’s two Republicans, Norm Shinkle, a career party fixture, had hinted he would not vote to certify the state’s result. Because the two Democrats would obviously vote in favor of certification, a manic gush of attention turned to the other Republican member, Aaron Van Langevelde.

The problem? Hardly anyone knew the guy. Van Langevelde, a deputy legal counsel to the Michigan House GOP, had been appointed to the board less than two years earlier by Governor Rick Snyder. He had kept a deliberately low profile in Lansing, attending the occasional happy hour but spending most of his time in nearby Eaton County, where he lives with his wife, an assistant prosecutor, and their three children.

All day Friday, and throughout the weekend, a chorus of Michigan Republican heavyweights tried and failed to contact Van Langevelde. When it became apparent that his extended family was shooing away callers—giving the impression he did not welcome this intrusive sort of spotlight—word got around that Van Langevelde had cold feet. By Sunday morning, speculation was rampant that Van Langevelde would resign from the board on Monday. This made perfect sense to Republicans and Democrats alike: Based on their fact-finding mission into the mysterious fourth board member, Van Langevelde was a bookish type, a rule follower, an obsessive student of world history (particularly the Roman Empire) who believes to his core in a conservative application of the law. His pious Dutch sensibilities, one co-worker said, make him “the the kind of guy that would turn himself in for tasting a grape at the grocery store.” He would be inclined, Lansing insiders figured, to vote in favor of certifying the results. But he would be disinclined to throw away his future in the Republican Party. A resignation from the board was his only way out.

Working off this expectation, a late lobbying blitz turned on Shinkle. In the 36 hours preceding Monday’s vote, he was inundated with calls and emails and text messages from high-ranking Republican luminaries around the state. Some, such as former congressman and House Intelligence Chair Mike Rogers, urged him to certify the results in accordance with Michigan law. Others, including McDaniel and Cox and other state party figures, pleaded with Shinkle to stand his ground and insist on a two-week delay. The response they got was universal: He would promise to “do my best,” then he would offer a litany of unsubstantiated allegations of fraud. (Not everyone bothered contacting Shinkle: That his wife served as a plaintiff’s witness in Trump’s ill-fated lawsuit against Detroit struck many people not just as a conflict of interest, but as a clear indication he would never vote to certify.)

When Monday morning arrived, the Michigan MAGA coalition hoped to wake up to news of a postponed meeting on account of Van Langevelde’s resignation. No such luck. Nervously, the calls and text messages and email chains began anew—this time directed not toward Shinkle or Van Langevelde, but to each other. What was going on? Was the 1 p.m. meeting really going ahead as scheduled? Would Van Langevelde, who had stayed silent and off the grid for the previous 96 hours, dare to vote against the party’s edict?

Some Republicans didn’t want to believe it. But for others, reality began to set in. They had grown so accustomed to Republicans falling in line, bending a knee to Trumpism, that the notion of someone acting on his own personal ethic had become foreign. But the more they learned about Van Langevelde, the more he sounded like just that type of independent thinker. Some viewed his relative youth as an asset, believing he wouldn’t risk throwing away his future in the party. What they had failed to appreciate was that young conservatives were oftentimes the most disillusioned with the party’s drift from any intellectual or philosophical mooring.

By the time the meeting commenced, just after 1 p.m., the smart money had shifted dramatically—away from any resignation or delay and toward prompt certification. Van Langevelde did little to disappoint. “The board’s duty today is very clear,” he declared just minutes into the meeting. “We have a duty to certify this election.”

Like a good attorney, Van Langevelde meticulously questioned a number of expert guest speakers to ascertain if they had dissenting views of the board’s authority under state law. Time and again, they affirmed his position. The body did not have power to audit or investigate or recount; that could be done only by distinct bodies after certification was complete. The job of the board of state canvassers was narrowly to examine the certified results from all 83 counties and then, based on the relevant vote totals, certify a winner of Michigan’s 16 electoral votes. The one time he was challenged—by Spies, the political superlawyer representing John James’ U.S. Senate campaign—Van Langevelde calmly brushed his recommendations aside, telling Spies, “I’m going to have to respectfully disagree with you on that.”

If this young canvasser’s rebellion against the entire Republican Party apparatus was surprising, what came next was all too predictable. Within minutes of Van Langevelde’s vote for certification—and of Shinkle’s abstention, which guaranteed his colleague would bear the brunt of the party’s fury alone—the fires of retaliation raged. In GOP circles, there were immediate calls for Van Langevelde to lose his seat on the board; to lose his job in the House of Representatives; to be censured on the floor of the Legislature and exiled from the party forever. Actionable threats against him and his family began to be reported. The Michigan State Police worked with local law enforcement to arrange a security detail.

All for doing his job. All for upholding the rule of law. All for following his conscience and defying the wishes of Donald Trump.

“It took a lot of courage for him to do what he thought was right and appropriate, given the amount of pressure he was under,” said Brian Calley, the GOP former lieutenant governor, who told me days earlier that he had never heard the name Aaron Van Langevelde. “He carried himself as well as anybody I’ve seen in that type of setting, including people with decades and decades of experience. He showed an awful lot of poise.”

In Michigan, the upcoming race to chair the Republican Party has already been turned on its head. Ron Weiser, the former party head who’s made it known that he wants to reclaim his old post, was thought to have a strong case against Cox, who has been viewed as unsteady by some GOP elders. But it was Weiser who, while chairing the party in 2018, recommended Van Langevelde to then-Governor Snyder—a fact Cox and her allies are already sharpening for attack.

That’s right: The name Van Langevelde is already so infamous in Michigan Republican lore that those associated with him are at risk of being branded turncoats, too.

It might sound silly, given Trump’s imminent departure from the White House. But Trump shows no sign of ceding the spotlight: He is already making noise about running for president in 2024. Because of this, and because of the sweeping transformation of the party—not just ideologically or stylistically, but mechanically, with MAGA loyalists now installed in state and local leadership posts across the country—the question of loyalty will continue to define the Republican identity for years to come.

That contours of that identity—what it means to be a Trump Republican—have gained clarity over time. The default embrace of nationalism. The indifference to ideas as a vision for governing. The disregard for institutional norms. The aversion to etiquette and the bottomless appetite for cultural conflict. Now there is another cornerstone of that identity: The subversion of our basic democratic process.

2020

The Election That Broke the Republican Party
BY TIM ALBERTA

More than any policy enacted or court vacancy filled, Trump’s legacy will be his unprecedented assault on the legitimacy of the ballot box. And it will not be considered in isolation. Future iterations of the GOP will make casual insinuations of voter fraud central to the party’s brand. The next generation of Republicans will have learned how to sow doubts about election integrity in one breath and in the next breath bemoan the nation’s lack of faith in our elections, creating a self-perpetuating justification to cast suspicion on a process that by raw numbers does not appear conducive to keeping them in power.

Look no further than John James. It took three full weeks after Election Day—despite his race being called for Gary Peters on November 4, despite the certified county totals proving he had lost by 92,000 votes—for the Republican Senate nominee to concede defeat. In the interim, he released a series of videos calling for independent investigations into Detroit’s voting irregularities, insisting that such efforts are needed to “restore trust” in the system.

“This is not some whacked-out fringe,” James said in one taping. “When half the votes in our state believe we just had the most secure election in U.S. history, and the other half believe they were cheated, we have a problem.”

James is right. We do have a problem. Our elections continue to be underfunded. Our election bureaus are chronically understaffed. Our election workers are badly undertrained. Our elections are prone to a significant amount of human error—and any municipal or county clerk will tell you that concerns over not catching those errors keep them up at night.

But errors are not fraud. And when James says he’s troubled that half of Michigan’s voters feel they were cheated, he would do well to remember that he was the one telling them they got cheated in the first place.

Advertisement
That November 4 missive James retweeted from his campaign adviser—“Stop making up numbers, stalling the process and cheating the system”—has since been deleted. But there is no denying the advent of a pattern. Republicans in Michigan and across America have spent the past three weeks promoting baseless allegations of corruption at the ballot box, the rabid responses to which they use as justification to continue to question the fundamental integrity of our elections. It’s a vicious new playbook—one designed to stroke egos and rationalize defeats, but with unintended consequences that could spell the unraveling of America’s democratic experiment.

“By capriciously throwing around these false claims, you can’t get to the heart of a really important issue. In fact, you lose any credibility to get to the heart of that issue,” said Venable, the longtime Michigan GOP official who rocked his former comrades by endorsing Biden this fall. “And by the way, if you’re going to do an audit, you’d better do it statewide. This is not just a Detroit thing. There are sloppy Republican precincts all over the state. When I served on the Ingham County board of canvassers, we never had a problem in Lansing. You know where our big problems were? The small townships in the rural precincts of the county, run by Republican clerks. And those folks weren’t perpetrating fraud, either. That’s the point: There’s a difference between sloppiness and fraud. But you can’t solve one by inventing stories about the other.”

There is no immediate way to make Americans appreciate this distinction, no instant cure for the flagging confidence in our elections. But there are obvious incremental steps to take in the name of transparency and efficiency. First among them, acknowledged Chatfield, the Michigan House speaker, is getting rid of the rules that led to the TCF Center circus in the first place.

“There’s a lot we can learn in the state of Michigan, because the way we’ve handled this, it’s become a national embarrassment,” Chatfield told me in a brief interview after the final certification vote. “And one of the items where we should look at other states and see how they’ve done it well, is regarding the early processing of absentee ballots. We mishandled that this year. We should have allowed for early processing. We didn’t, and it became a spectacle. I think we can learn from that. It should be something the Legislature fixes moving forward.”

This is relatively easy for Chatfield to admit—he’s term limited and leaving office soon. For those Republicans left to pick up the pieces in the coming legislative session, there may be little incentive for bipartisan cooperation on a subject that now divides the two party bases as starkly as gun rights or tax rates. The backlash against absentee voting from Republican constituents was already fierce; in the wake of Trump’s defeat and the TCF Center conspiracies, Republicans might find it beneficial to avoid raising the issue at all.

There is little cause for optimism. If the majority of GOP politicians couldn’t be bothered to do the easy work of debunking crackpot conspiracy theories, how likely are they to do the hard work of hardening our democracy?

“A lot of our leaders in this country ought to be ashamed of themselves,” said Thomas, the nonpartisan elections guru who kept Michigan’s governing class guessing his political affiliation for the past several decades. “They have propagated this narrative of massive fraud, and it’s simply not true. They’ve leapt from some human error to massive fraud. It’s like a leap to Never Neverland. And people are believing them.”

He exhaled with a disgusted groan.

Advertisement
“The people of this country really need to wake up and start thinking for themselves and looking for facts—not conspiracy theories being peddled by people who are supposed to be responsible leaders, but facts,” Thomas said. “If they’re not going to be responsible leaders, people need to seek out the truth for themselves. If people don’t do that—if they no longer trust how we elect the president of the United States—we’re going to be in real trouble.”

FILED UNDER: REPUBLICAN PARTY, DETROIT, MICHIGAN, DONALD TRUMP, DONALD TRUMP 2020, 2020 ELECTIONS, 2020 PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATES, GRETCHEN WHITMER
MOST READ
Rubio calls Biden’s national security team ‘polite & orderly caretakers of America’s decline’
The Inside Story of Michigan’s Fake Voter Fraud Scandal
‘People are pissed’: Tensions rise amid scramble for Biden jobs
Trump pops into White House briefing room for one-minute impromptu speech
Trump carries on a fight everyone else is abandoning

© 2020 POLITICO LLC

The New York Times

‘Loser’: How a Lifelong Fear Bookended Trump’s Presidency
The president’s inability to concede the election is the latest reality-denying moment in a career preoccupied with an epithet.

President Trump went on the attack this month after failing to win a second term, pushing baseless claims of a rigged democratic process.

In the now-distant Republican presidential primaries of 2016, Senator Ted Cruz of Texas handily won the Iowa caucuses. This was determined by a method that has lately come under attack but at the time was considered standard: elementary math.

One of the losers in Iowa, the developer and television personality Donald J. Trump, soon accused Mr. Cruz of electoral theft. He fired off several inflammatory tweets, including this foreshadowing of our current democracy-testing moment: “Based on the fraud committed by Senator Ted Cruz during the Iowa Caucus, either a new election should take place or Cruz results nullified.”

The episode vanished in the tsunami of political vitriol to come during the Trump presidency. Still, it reflects what those who have worked with Mr. Trump say is his modus operandi when trying to slip the humiliating epithet he has so readily applied to others.

Loser.

“The first thing he calls someone who has wronged him is a loser,” said Jack O’Donnell, who ran an Atlantic City casino for Mr. Trump in the 1980s. “That’s his main attack word. The worst thing in his world would be to be a loser. To avoid being called a loser, he will do or say anything.”

Across his long career, he has spun, cajoled and attacked — in the press, in lawsuits and lately, of course, on Twitter — whenever faced with appearing as anything less than the superlative of the moment: the greatest, the smartest, the healthiest, the best. This has at times required audacious attempts to twist a negative into a positive, often by saying something over and over until it either displaces the truth or exhausts the audience into surrender.

It is a matter of record that Mr. Trump has been a loser in many business ventures (Trump Steaks, anyone?). In fact, his greatest success flowed not from real estate but from the creation of a popular alternate-reality television persona — Donald Trump, master of the boardroom — that he ultimately rode to the White House.

But his famous aversion to the label of loser has now reached its apotheosis.

Since Joseph R. Biden Jr. was declared the winner of the Nov. 3 election — and Mr. Trump therefore declared the loser — the president has repeatedly trafficked in baseless allegations of a fraudulent and corrupt electoral process. What was once considered the quirky trait of a self-involved New York developer has become an international embarrassment, nearly upending the sacred transition of power and leaving the world’s foremost democracy — grappling with a deadly pandemic and a teetering economy — with a leader who refuses to concede despite the basic math.

“AND I WON THE ELECTION,” Mr. Trump tweeted last week. “VOTER FRAUD ALL OVER THE COUNTRY.”

On Monday, the Trump administration finally authorized a weeks-delayed transition process after Michigan certified Mr. Biden as its winner. Still, Mr. Trump continued to press quixotic lawsuits and tweet of fraud and defiant resolve.

“Our case STRONGLY continues, we will keep up the good fight.”

“This was a LANDSLIDE!”

And for Thanksgiving: “Just saw the vote tabulations. There is NO WAY Biden got 80,000,000 votes!!! This was a 100% RIGGED ELECTION.”

The president’s tweets have succeeded in sowing doubt about the foundational underpinnings of the republic among his many millions of followers. In a recent Reuters/Ipsos poll, about half the Republicans questioned believed that Mr. Trump had “rightfully won” re-election, and 68 percent expressed concern that the election was “rigged.”

Such behavior by the president reflects a binary-code approach to life that spares no room for nuance or complication. If a person isn’t a one, then that person is a zero.

“You are either a winner or a loser,” Michael D. Cohen, Mr. Trump’s former lawyer and fixer, said in an interview last week. “Reality is secondary. It is all about perception.”

Mr. Cohen, who was convicted in 2018 of tax evasion and campaign finance violations and who has since become a vocal critic of the president, provided several examples in his recent book, “Disloyal: A Memoir.”

Mr. Cohen recounted how, in 2014, CNBC was preparing a poll of the 25 most influential people in the world. Mr. Trump, who initially ranked 187th out of 200, ordered Mr. Cohen to improve his standing.

“Just make sure I make it to the top 10,” Mr. Trump said, according to Mr. Cohen.

Mr. Cohen hired someone to assess the options. After that person determined that the poll could be manipulated, $15,000 was spent to buy discreet I.P. addresses through which votes for Mr. Trump could be cast. The scheme worked, with Mr. Trump elevated to ninth place when all the votes were counted.

“Before long, Trump believed he really was rated in the top 10 and was regarded as a profoundly important business figure,” Mr. Cohen wrote.

But CNBC removed Mr. Trump from the list without offering an explanation. The infuriated future president ordered Mr. Cohen to get the network to change course. This failed. He then ordered him to plant a story in the media about “the terrible treatment Trump had received at the hands of CNBC.” This also failed.

Still, Mr. Trump managed to exploit the fake ranking before he was dropped from the list. “He had hundreds of copies made, and he added the poll to the pile of newspaper clippings and magazine profiles of himself that he would give to visitors,” Mr. Cohen wrote.

This fear of being seen as somehow less than the very best is a recurring theme in the mountains of books and articles written about Mr. Trump. Many observers of Trump family history have reflected on the influence of the patriarch, the developer Fred C. Trump, who had his own version of the binary taxonomy of humanity: the strong and the weak.

Mr. Trump flicked at this in his book “Trump: The Art of the Deal,” in which he recalled gluing together the blocks of his younger brother, Robert, effectively ensuring that he would not be outdone in any competition involving — blocks.

“That was the end of Robert’s blocks,” he wrote.

A grown-up iteration of that episode came at a seminal moment in the man’s career: the opening of his Taj Mahal casino in Atlantic City in 1990.

According to Mr. O’Donnell, who was deeply involved in the venture, Mr. Trump pushed to have the casino open prematurely because he feared the shame a delay would bring after promising the world a glitzy, celebrity-packed opening.

The casino wasn’t ready; among other issues, only a quarter of the slot machines were open, leaving the cavernous space quiet and empty. “It was just horrible,” recalled Mr. O’Donnell, who wrote a book about his experiences with the future president. “It didn’t look like a normal casino.”

Privately, Mr. Trump was furious, and blamed his brother Robert for some of the problems. (The younger Trump quit and did not speak to his brother for years.) Publicly, though, Mr. Trump boasted of the wonder that was the Taj Mahal.

Appearing on CNN’s “Larry King Live” in April 1990, Mr. Trump said the only problem with the Taj Mahal’s opening day was too much success. Gamblers were playing the slots with such ferocity that the machines almost burst into flames.

“We had machines that — they were virtually on fire,” Mr. Trump said. “Nobody’s ever seen anything like this.”

The Taj Mahal filed for bankruptcy the following year, which left Mr. Trump’s many lenders and bondholders in the lurch.

Mr. Trump expounded on his worldview in a 2014 interview with the author Michael D’Antonio. “You can be tough and ruthless and all that stuff, and if you lose a lot, nobody’s going to follow you, because you’re looked at as a loser,” he said. “Winning is a very important thing. The most important aspect of leadership is winning. If you have a record of winning, people are going to follow you.”

Mr. Trump has often used the courts to try to crush anyone who might cast doubt on his Olympian standing in wealth and success. A standout in this category is the $5 billion lawsuit he filed against the journalist Timothy L. O’Brien, whose 2005 book, “TrumpNation: The Art of Being the Donald,” argued that Mr. Trump’s net worth was no more than $250 million — that he was not, in other words, a billionaire.

Mr. O’Brien reported that Mr. Trump attributed the chasmic discrepancy to envy. “You can go ahead and speak to guys who have 400 pound wives at home,” Mr. Trump said, “but the guys who really know me know I’m a great builder.”

The lawsuit was dismissed.

Of course, Mr. Trump’s need to be seen as a winner has informed his presidency. The self-declared superlatives cover all bases, from being the “best thing that ever happened to Puerto Rico” to doing the most for Black Americans (with the “possible exception” of Abraham Lincoln). In anticipation of his eventual impeachment, Mr. Trump referred to himself as “our greatest of all presidents.”

Perhaps the most famous moment in which this desire bled into public policy came in late 2018, when Mr. Trump used an approaching government shutdown to demand funding for one of his central fixations: a wall along the Mexican border.

After Mr. Trump encouraged his fellow Republicans in Congress to reach a compromise, Senator Mitch McConnell, the majority leader, worked out a deal to avoid a shutdown and temporarily set aside negotiations over security measures, including a border wall.

It appeared that Mr. Trump would sign the deal — that is, until conservative pundits accused the president of caving to Democrats, of breaking his “Build the Wall” promise, of effectively being a loser.

The president reversed course, and so began the longest federal government shutdown in the country’s history — at an estimated cost to the economy of $11 billion, according to the nonpartisan Congressional Budget Office.

After Mr. Trump was sworn in as the 45th president of the United States in January 2017, his administration asserted that the inauguration’s audience was the largest ever, despite all evidence to the contrary. But any suggestion otherwise would have rendered Mr. Trump a loser in some imagined contest about inaugural crowd sizes.

Now, nearly four years later, the citizens have cast their ballots, baseless lawsuits alleging electoral fraud have been dismissed and states have certified the vote. Still, the loser of the 2020 presidential election continues to see crowds that the rest of the country does not.

It ends as it began.

Nov. 25, 2020

© 2020 The New York Times Company

The medical pandemic may be a conspiracy , or not, but there are sub-conspiracies conspiracies , that are made of such intengibles as “facts” turning into unintelligible fusions that can drive understanding either way.

Take the pressing need to do something, to suppress real facts, to which no credible laws have been adjucated, even though this has been processed for a long time.

The rush of executive orders is a good example, paralleling an equally dubious practice to appoint Supreme Court Judges without waiting for a newly elected president to take office

Here is a comment which shows the gravity that executive orders can impinge on the power o of an incoming president:

"

OPINION

Make America incompetent again? Trump wants to ruin our merit-based federal jobs system.
Trump wants to bring back a corrupt system of political patronage. Congress and Joe Biden must undo this attack on the capability of our government.

MAX STIER | OPINION CONTRIBUTOR | 32 minutes ago

Federal agencies across the government are quietly moving ahead with an 11th hour plan to fill vacant, nonpartisan career jobs with political appointees as well as fire and replace civil servants with individuals loyal to President Donald Trump.

With only two months to go before President-elect Joe Biden takes office, agencies are rushing to implement an executive order that would undermine the merit-based, nonpartisan civil service system, eviscerate employee due process rights and replace professionals with partisans.

Although the Oct. 21 executive order has brought congressional scrutiny and legal challenges, and would most likely be rescinded by Biden, Trump administration appointees are hoping to place as many allies as possible into key government positions as they head for the exits.

Loyalty would replace competence
While the conversion of political appointees to career positions, often referred to as “burrowing,” has long been a concern during presidential transitions, such conversions have been rare and ordinarily undergo a rigorous review process.

The Trump executive order sidesteps this process and has created a new job classification for “career employees in confidential, policy-determining, policy‑making and policy-advocating positions,” stripping these individuals of long-standing civil service protections and allowing politically appointed leaders to fire them at will. It is a stunning exercise of executive power and calls into question whether such a dramatic change is — or should be — permitted without a change in law.

President Donald Trump signs executive orders on Aug. 8, 2020 in Bedminster, New Jersey. 2020.
President Donald Trump signs executive orders on Aug. 8, 2020 in Bedminster, New Jersey. 2020.
JIM WATSON/AFP VIA GETTY IMAGES
There are literally tens, if not hundreds of thousands of positions in the career civil service that could be considered of a "policy-advocating” character. The American people depend on scientists, policy analysts, attorneys, managers, inspectors general and other nonpartisan career employees to evaluate current or proposed governmental policies and make relevant recommendations.

Under the executive order, career public servants who have raised alarms about major problems on the horizon, given honest but unwanted advice or proposed uncomfortable solutions could lose their jobs and be replaced by political appointees selected for their loyalty, not competence. All of this could be done out of public view, making the government less accountable and less effective.

Cabinet: The Cabinet is a graveyard for presidential dreams. So why do senators want these jobs?

A career Food and Drug Administration expert could be punished for making recommendations regarding a coronavirus vaccine that run counter to the promises made by politicians. A Federal Aviation Administration employee could be sidelined for recommending that an unsafe aircraft be grounded, or an Environmental Protection Agency employee could be penalized for suggesting a new chemical contaminant in drinking water poses a health hazard.

In other words, it allows political appointees to shoot the messenger and weakens the principle that federal employees must be secure in their jobs and feel free to speak truth to power.

Late last week, it was reported that Russ Vought, the director of the Office of Management and Budget, has reclassified 88% of that agency’s career 425 employees, making them vulnerable to arbitrary ouster and replacement.

The Trump administration has argued that the executive order will help agencies address long-standing problems with current disciplinary procedures and provide “flexibility to expeditiously remove poorly performing employees.” Contrary to the myth and the administration’s rationale, it is possible to remove federal employees for poor performance or misconduct — more than 9,500 federal employees were terminated in 2019. And, there are much better ways to address these issues than destroying the merit-based foundation of the civil service.

Return to a corrupt and failed system
Besides dealing a blow to expertise of the professional civil service, this executive order takes us back to the corrupt and failed system of the 1880s by proliferating public sector jobs that can be used for political patronage.

Our government already has 4,000 politically appointed positions, more than any other major democracy, and includes more than 1,200 requiring Senate confirmation. We should have fewer, not more appointees, including those requiring Senate approval, and those individuals need to be held to the highest standards of ethics and competence.

While our civil service is the envy of the world, it is by no means perfect and must be strengthened in a variety of ways.

Harry S. Truman’s grandson: The messy, impolite history of presidential transitions

We need to improve leadership and stewardship of the public trust. Our government should do more to attract skilled and diverse talent, make better use of technology, foster a climate of innovation and work collaboratively across agencies, state and local government, and the private sector to address our nation’s difficult challenges.

But this new executive order, drafted secretly without informing or consulting with Congress and relevant employee groups and other stakeholders, is an assault on our civil service, the core to our system of government and democratic institutions. Congress should act now on a bipartisan basis to reassert its legislative authority and stop this irresponsible executive order, and the incoming Biden team should prioritize undoing this attack on the capability of our government.

© Copyright Gannett 2020

You should be aware and keep in mind that they always always always accuse the other party of what they do themselves. Everything just pointed out is exactly what any new Biden team will do.

Yes, and that makes legality the question revolving around practice and praxis, almost a redundancy.

.

The New York Times

Transition Updates

Trump, in Video From White House, Delivers a 46-Minute Diatribe on the ‘Rigged’ Election
The president posted a recording on social media of what he said “may be the most important speech I’ve ever made.” It was filled with false allegations about voter fraud.

President Trump once again refused to concede defeat in his bid for re-election almost a month after Election Day.
President Trump once again refused to concede defeat in his bid for re-election almost a month after Election Day.Credit…Erin Schaff/The New York Times

By Michael D. Shear
Dec. 2, 2020

WASHINGTON — President Trump on Wednesday released a 46-minute videotaped speech that denounced a “rigged” election and was filled with lies the day after his own attorney general joined election officials across the country in attesting to his defeat.

Mr. Trump recorded what he said “may be the most important speech I’ve ever made” in the Diplomatic Room of the White House and delivered it behind a lectern bearing the presidential seal. He then posted a two-minute version on Twitter, with a link to the full version on his Facebook page.

The president once again refused to concede defeat in his bid for re-election almost a month after Election Day, repeating a long list of false assertions about voter fraud and accusing Democrats of a conspiracy to steal the presidency.

Twitter quickly labeled the post “disputed.” Facebook added a note that President-elect Joseph R. Biden Jr., who received almost 81 million votes and 306 electoral votes, is the projected winner of the election.

The video, which a White House official said was recorded last week, was the in-person embodiment of Mr. Trump’s staccato tweets over the past three weeks: one falsehood after another about voting irregularities in swing states, attacks on state officials and signature verifications, and false accusations against Democrats.

The president’s rambling assertions in the video were drastically undercut on Tuesday, when Attorney General William P. Barr told The Associated Press that despite inquiries by the Justice Department and the F.B.I., “to date, we have not seen fraud on a scale that could have effected a different outcome in the election.”

The same day, a Republican election official in Georgia blamed him for inciting violence and a wave of death threats.

“Mr. President, you have not condemned these actions or this language,” said Gabriel Sterling, a voting systems manager in Georgia. “Stop inspiring people to commit potential acts of violence.”

At the end of the video, Mr. Trump improbably described himself as the defender of America’s election system, saying he had been told that the single most important accomplishment of his presidency would be protecting the integrity of the voting system.

It was unclear why Mr. Trump waited until Wednesday to release the video. But he made it public after a series of rebukes by members of his own party, who have increasingly abandoned him as he refuses to acknowledge the results of the election.

The president’s legal team, led by his personal lawyer, Rudolph W. Giuliani, has lost dozens of lawsuits in courts across the country while making wild allegations without any proof to back them up.

Some of the president’s key Republican allies on Capitol Hill and elsewhere have urged him to move on in recent days. Senator Mitch McConnell of Kentucky, the majority leader, who has been conspicuously silent about Mr. Trump’s claims, finally referred this week to the “new administration” that would be taking over next year, a clear signal to Mr. Trump that his time in office was coming to an end.

But he retains the support of a core group of voters who quickly responded to his latest attack on the election. Within a few hours, his tweet had been “liked” by almost 134,000 Twitter users, and his Facebook video had been shared 93,000 times.

Dec. 3, 2020

© 2020 The New York Times Company

POLITICO

2020 ELECTIONS

Trump rebukes Barr, complains AG ‘hasn’t done anything’ with baseless fraud claims
The president also said DOJ officials “haven’t looked very hard, which is a disappointment, to be honest with you.”

President Donald Trump on Thursday declined to say whether he continues to have confidence in Attorney General William Barr, again demanding that the Justice Department investigate and back up his baseless claims of widespread voter fraud in the 2020 election.

Addressing reporters in the Oval Office after presenting the Presidential Medal of Freedom to former college football coach Lou Holtz, Trump complained that Barr “hasn’t done anything” and that DOJ officials “haven’t looked very hard, which is a disappointment, to be honest with you.”

Trump went on to pledge that “when [Barr] looks, he’ll see the kind of evidence that right now you’re seeing in the Georgia Senate” — repeating the fraud allegations that Republicans fear could foment depressed voter turnout in two decisive Senate runoff races early next year.

Trump then contended that “massive fraud” was similarly perpetrated in various swing states he lost to President-elect Joe Biden, including Arizona, Michigan, Nevada, Pennsylvania and Wisconsin. “This is probably the most fraudulent election that anyone’s ever seen,” he said.

In fact, a group of federal officials, election supervisors and voting technology vendors deemed the 2020 election the “most secure” in U.S. history. And in the latest rebuke of Trump’s claims, Barr said Tuesday that the Justice Department had not uncovered “fraud on a scale that could have affected a different outcome” in the election.

Asked Thursday whether he still had confidence in Barr in light of the attorney general’s assessment, the president paused before replying: “Ask me that in a number of weeks from now. They should be looking at all of this fraud,” Trump said. A spokesperson for Barr declined to comment on the president’s remarks.

© 2020 POLITICO LLC

>>>>>>>>>>      >>>>>>>>>>>   >>>>>>>>

Yahoo News

The Week

Freshly pardoned Michael Flynn shares message telling Trump to ‘suspend the Constitution’ to hold a new presidential election

Retired Gen. Michael Flynn is fresh off a presidential pardon and ready to get back into some trouble.

President Trump pardoned his short-lived national security adviser last week, after Flynn had previously pleaded guilty to lying to the FBI about his contacts with a Russian ambassador. Flynn has since been sharing dubious allegations of voter fraud, and on Wednesday, boosted a message telling Trump to take some radical actions to stop it.

In a full-page Washington Times ad from something called the We the People Convention, Ohio Tea Party leader Tom Zawistowski tries to draw a comparison between Lincoln trying to save the union in 1863 and Trump trying to claw back the 2020 election, using some disputed facts along the way. Zawistowski alleges a lot of similarities between the two times, from “Democrat/Socialist federal officials plotting to finish gutting the U.S. Constitution” to big tech “actively censoring free speech and promoting leftist propaganda.” So to counter that, the We the People Convention suggests Trump “declare limited Martial Law to temporarily suspend the Constitution” in order to hold a presidential election re-vote overseen by the military.

Flynn shared the ad on Twitter on Wednesday, seemingly trying to encourage a bunch of Fox News hosts and QAnon supporters to share it. It’s just one of many disputed facts and allegations about the election that are apparently flowing through the mind of the man who used to oversee America’s national security.

Unbelievable!

cnn.com/2020/12/07/politics/ … index.html

Now contrast with the other side. Where be the truth.?

I think the source if the conflict, leval, constitutional, ecenomic, social-psychological, is the quantum change in. process, the procedure of attaining power.

Again the basic challamgr is Nietzchean, the power issue, the one that still is tryong to assert the will through. power, the power to nihilize, the ennui that has developed by Marxian interphase